Transcript
Lavrov's Speech at the CSTO Foreign Ministers' Council (Expanded Format), Kazan, June 10, 2026
English includes full house translations. Review is pending; untranslated passages and selected digest glosses remain labelled.
| Русский | English |
|---|---|
| Уважаемые коллеги! Мы продолжаем нашу работу в расширенном составе. Хотел бы поприветствовать присоединившихся к нам членов делегаций и заместителей генеральных секретарей наших партнёров – СНГ и ШОС . Встреча в узком формате прошла конструктивно и доверительно. По традиции мы подробно обсудили вопросы развития многостороннего взаимодействия в рамках ОДКБ , обменялись мнениями по международной проблематике, оценками ситуации в регионах коллективной безопасности. | English translation not available for this passage |
| 1 CSTO as a Stabilizing Force and Engine of Eurasian Multipolarity | |
| У нас общее мнение о востребованности совместных шагов по укреплению потенциала ОДКБ, который выступает важным стабилизирующим фактором в нашем общем евразийском регионе. Именно в Евразии, на нашем континенте разворачиваются процессы, оказывающие непосредственное влияние на формирование более справедливого многополярного мироустройства. В первую очередь речь идет о становлении и укреплении расположенных здесь новых мировых центров и их интеграционных объединений. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov opens the expanded session by framing the CSTO not merely as a military alliance but as a foundational pillar of an emerging, more equitable multipolar world order taking shape on the Eurasian continent. He argues that the most consequential geopolitical processes of the era are occurring precisely in Eurasia, driven by the rise of new global power centers and their integration frameworks. The CSTO is explicitly identified as a "stabilizing factor" (стабилизирующий фактор), a designation that positions it as a counterweight to Western-led structures. Lavrov grounds CSTO's raison d'être in shared values: sovereignty, civilizational diversity, and the right of peoples to choose their own development models. Critically, Putin's summer 2024 continental security initiative is woven into this framing as the strategic vision the CSTO is meant to embody. The speech retroactively legitimizes the organization's entire agenda through this presidential mandate, anchoring institutional work to a specific temporal origin point. “We share the view that joint steps to strengthen CSTO's potential are needed — CSTO acts as an important stabilizing factor in our common Eurasian region.” “It is precisely in Eurasia, on our continent, that processes are unfolding which directly influence the formation of a more just multipolar world order.” “Above all, this refers to the emergence and consolidation of new world centers located here and their integration associations.” |
| 3 Reaffirming UN Charter Principles and Civilizational Diversity as a Normative Shield | |
| Очевидно, что полицентричная архитектура должна основываться на принципах Устава ООН во всей их полноте и взаимосвязи, учитывать культурно-цивилизационное многообразие современного мира, право народов самим определять пути и модели развития. Именно на такие ценности опираются наши союзнические отношения в рамках ОДКБ. Не приемлем пренебрежения основополагающими международно-правовыми нормами, желания решать свои проблемы за счёт других, тем более при помощи силы. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov places the UN Charter at the center of his normative framework, but with a characteristic Russian inflection: the Charter must be applied "in its entirety and interconnectedness" (во всей их полноте и взаимосвязи). In Russian diplomatic usage, this formulation elevates sovereignty and non-interference above liberal interventionist interpretations of the Charter, making it a rhetorical shield against human rights-based external pressure. He pairs this with insistence on "cultural-civilizational diversity" (культурно-цивилизационное многообразие) — a device to delegitimize Western universal rights claims and implicitly justify divergent governance models within CSTO states. The announcement of a Joint Statement on International Law serves a dual function: it gives CSTO members a collective product to brandish in UN forums while simultaneously demonstrating that non-Western states form a coherent bloc. The subtext is ownership: the UN Charter belongs to all humanity, not to Western interpreters alone. “A polycentric architecture must be based on the principles of the UN Charter in their entirety and interconnectedness, take into account the cultural-civilizational diversity of the modern world, and respect the right of peoples to determine their own paths and models of development.” “It is precisely on such values that our allied relations within the CSTO are based.” |
| 2 Western "Destructive Line" and Ukraine as NATO's Anti-Russian Military Ram | |
| Всё это ведет не к миру, а к хаотизации международной жизни, к обострению старых и появлению новых конфликтов. Одним из проявлений такой деструктивной линии, которой следуют по исторической инерции наши западные коллеги, стало активное втягивание Украины в НАТО и использование приведенного ими к власти неонацистского киевского режима в качестве антироссийского военного тарана. Мы подробно говорили об этом в узком составе. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage This is the rhetorically sharpest section of the speech. Lavrov characterizes Western policy not as deliberate strategy but as a "destructive line" followed out of "historical inertia" — a framing that simultaneously demotes Western agency (reflexive, not rational) and casts Russia as the responsive party. He accuses the West of actively pulling Ukraine into NATO and weaponizing the "neo-Nazi Kyiv regime" (неонацистский киевский режим) — which the West "brought to power" — as an "anti-Russian military ram" (антироссийский военный таран). The language is maximalist and deliberate: dehumanizing the Zelensky government while asserting Russian victimhood. Lavrov extends this to a systemic critique: Western conduct generally disregards international law, resolves disputes at others' expense, and relies on force — leading not to peace but to the "chaotization" of international life and the proliferation of new conflicts. The CSTO audience is positioned as defenders of order against Western-manufactured chaos. “One manifestation of this destructive line, which our Western colleagues follow out of historical inertia, was the active drawing of Ukraine into NATO and the use of the neo-Nazi Kyiv regime, which they brought to power, as an anti-Russian military ram.” “All this leads not to peace but to the chaotization of international life, to the aggravation of old conflicts and the emergence of new ones.” |
| Важно, что сегодня зафиксируем наши общие подходы в соответствующем Совместном заявлении об укреплении роли международного права и приверженности принципам Устава ООН . Будем и далее дружно выступать в пользу последовательного восстановления роли всемирной Организации в качестве центрального координирующего механизма в вопросах поддержания международного мира и безопасности. | English translation not available for this passage |
| 4 UN Secretariat Accused of Abandoning Neutrality in Favor of the West | |
| Сейчас эта роль существенно ослаблена не в последнюю очередь из-за той позиции, которую занимает руководство Секретариата, отошедшее от принципа нейтральности и беспристрастности, откровенно проводящее линию, которая устраивает прежде всего группу западных стран. Система безопасности в Европе окончательно разрушена руками наших западных «коллег». |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov levels a pointed public charge against UN Secretariat leadership: it has "departed from the principle of neutrality and impartiality" (отошедшее от принципа нейтральности и беспристрастности) and is "openly pursuing a line" that serves primarily the Western group of states. This is relatively direct, even by Russian diplomatic standards — a named accusation against the UN's executive body rather than its political organs. The political function is twofold: it explains why the UN appears unable or unwilling to constrain or condemn Russian actions (framed as pro-Western institutional bias rather than Russian non-compliance), while simultaneously legitimizing Russia's preference for alternative Eurasian multilateral forums. By casting the Secretariat as captured, Lavrov positions CSTO, SCO, and CIS as more principled alternatives. This also signals to Global South partners that Moscow regards the UN's current management as politically compromised and unfit for neutral arbitration. “Currently, this role is significantly weakened not least because of the position taken by the Secretariat's leadership, which has departed from the principle of neutrality and impartiality and is openly pursuing a line that suits primarily the group of Western countries.” |
| 5 Destruction of the European Security System and the Arms Control Vacuum | |
| Все важнейшие договоры в области контроля над вооружениями ликвидированы, поэтому нам важно не допустить превращения того, что раньше называли «общим евразийским домом», в арену геополитического противостояния. Важно заблаговременно купировать риски перерастания очагов напряженности в масштабные конфликты, не допускать возникновения кризисов, подобных украинскому. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov delivers a categorical verdict: the European security system has been "finally destroyed" (окончательно разрушена) by Western partners, with all major arms control treaties eliminated. This framing inverts causality entirely — NATO's position holds that Russia's actions eroded post-Cold War security structures, but Lavrov presents Russia as the aggrieved party reacting to Western demolition. Notably, he shifts from "common European home" to "common Eurasian home" (общий евразийский дом), signaling that Moscow has formally abandoned aspirations for inclusion in a European security order and now pursues a parallel Eurasian system. The practical imperative he draws is crisis prevention: head off tensions before they escalate into "large-scale conflicts" and avoid crises "similar to the Ukrainian one." That final phrase is analytically significant — it treats the Ukraine war as a category of event that Western provocation produced, not a Russian invasion, and seeks to prevent future instances of the same category. “All the most important arms control treaties have been eliminated, so it is important for us not to allow what was once called the 'common Eurasian home' to turn into an arena of geopolitical confrontation.” “It is important to proactively contain the risks of tensions escalating into large-scale conflicts and to prevent crises similar to the Ukrainian one from arising.” |
| 6 Putin's 2024 Initiative for a New Continental Eurasian Security Architecture | |
| Именно на решение этих задач была нацелена выдвинутая Президентом России В.В.Путиным летом 2024 г. инициатива формирования новой общеконтинентальной архитектуры равной и неделимой безопасности в Евразии. В этом направлении идут и идеи ряда других политических деятелей. Сегодня на заседании в узком составе мы подробно говорили о белорусско-российской инициативе, которая была предложена Минском, а именно о разработке Евразийской хартии многообразия и многополярности в XXI веке. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov explicitly credits President Putin — named in full with patronymic (В.В.Путин) — with launching a foundational initiative in summer 2024 to build a new continental architecture of "equal and indivisible security" (равная и неделимая безопасность) in Eurasia. The phrase is historically loaded: it echoes Soviet-era security discourse and has been deployed by Russia to argue that NATO enlargement violates the principle that one state's security cannot be enhanced at another's expense. By invoking this initiative within a CSTO context, Lavrov embeds Putin's personal vision into the alliance's institutional memory and long-term roadmap. He broadens the initiative's legitimacy by noting that "ideas of a number of other political leaders" align with it — a signal that Putin's framework is attracting convergent interest, not merely Russian advocacy. All other institutional work in the speech — the Eurasian Charter, the Anti-Terrorism Strategy, the November Summit — feeds into this overarching vision. “It was precisely to address these tasks that President of Russia V.V. Putin put forward in summer 2024 the initiative to form a new continental architecture of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia.” “The ideas of a number of other political leaders are also moving in this direction.” |
| 7 Belarus-Russia Eurasian Charter of Diversity and Multipolarity | |
| Об этом говорили в контексте подготовки к очередной Минской конференции по евразийской безопасности, в которой наши страны будут принимать участие предстоящей осенью. При этом заинтересованы в том, чтобы процесс формирования такой системы архитектуры безопасности был открытым и допускал сочетание системы двусторонних и многосторонних гарантий с прицелом на постепенное, но неуклонное сворачивание деструктивного военного влияния и присутствия внерегиональных держав. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov discloses that the restricted session discussed a Belarus-Russia initiative to develop an "Eurasian Charter of Diversity and Multipolarity in the 21st Century" (Евразийская хартия многообразия и многополярности в XXI веке) — attributed specifically to Minsk's proposal. Crediting Belarus here achieves several simultaneous goals: it demonstrates that Lukashenko's Belarus remains an active normative actor rather than a passive vassal; it distributes authorship of the anti-Western agenda across the alliance; and it gives the initiative multilateral credentials. The Eurasian Charter is framed as a normative complement to Putin's security architecture — where Putin's initiative provides the security framework, the Charter supplies the philosophical and legal principles governing it. The context is the upcoming Minsk Conference on Eurasian Security (autumn 2026), implying Belarus will host a major diplomatic event that Russia is actively supporting as a platform for this agenda. “This was discussed in the context of preparations for the next Minsk Conference on Eurasian Security, in which our countries will participate this coming autumn.” |
| 8 Open Security Architecture and the Withdrawal of Extra-Regional Military Powers | |
| Активизация диалога между существующими в Евразии структурами, занимающимися вопросами безопасности, во многом отвечает этой задаче. В числе таких структур и ОДКБ. Россия как нынешний председатель продолжит работать над полным задействованием нашего потенциала для продвижения союзничества, сотрудничества по всем направлениям во имя упрочения безопасности и стабильности и в регионе ОДКБ, и в Евразии в целом. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov articulates the preferred design principles for the emerging Eurasian security architecture: the process must be open, combining bilateral and multilateral guarantees, with the explicit aim of achieving the "gradual but steady curtailment of the destructive military influence and presence of extra-regional powers" (постепенное, но неуклонное сворачивание деструктивного военного влияния и присутствия внерегиональных держав). "Extra-regional powers" (внерегиональные державы) is a recurring Kremlin device for the United States and NATO without naming them — language that delegitimizes their presence in Eurasia as inherently alien and disruptive. Lavrov calls for activating dialogue between all Eurasian security structures — CSTO, SCO, CIS — as the mechanism for realizing this agenda. The implication is institutional substitution: Russian-led regional multilateralism as the legitimate and natural successor to US-centered security guarantees across the post-Soviet space and beyond. “Intensifying dialogue between existing Eurasian security structures largely serves this task. The CSTO is among such structures.” |
| 9 Russian CSTO Presidency Priorities and the November 2026 Moscow Summit | |
| Среди приоритетов: укрепление внешнеполитической координации, выработка согласованных позиций по региональной, глобальной повестке, их продвижение на других международных площадках. Будем и далее реализовывать план межведомственных консультаций, который мы согласовали по конкретным направлениям совместного приложения усилий. Ключевым событием российского председательства станет сессия Совета коллективной безопасности, которая состоится в Москве 11 ноября. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage As CSTO's current chair, Russia is actively shaping the organization's institutional trajectory. Lavrov outlines the presidency's core priorities: strengthening foreign policy coordination among member states, developing consensus positions on regional and global agendas, and projecting those positions through other international forums. The centerpiece of Russia's chairmanship is the Collective Security Council session in Moscow on November 11, 2026 — a date carrying symbolic resonance alongside Russia's own Victory Day commemorative culture. Lavrov emphasizes that today's session has already conducted "substantial work" in preparation: the approved interdepartmental consultations plan and the Anti-Terrorism Strategy draft are presented as evidence of institutional momentum. The ambition expressed is comprehensive: CSTO should function not merely as a collective defense pact but as a broad multilateral platform projecting coordinated political positions globally, functioning as a counter-bloc to Western security institutions. “The key event of Russia's chairmanship will be the session of the Collective Security Council, which will take place in Moscow on November 11.” “Among the priorities: strengthening foreign policy coordination, developing agreed positions on the regional and global agenda, and promoting them at other international platforms.” |
| 10 CSTO Anti-Terrorism Strategy Through 2030 | |
| Сегодня провели существенную работу по подготовке саммита, в частности, одобрили проект Антитеррористической стратегии ОДКБ до 2030 г . Он уже получил одобрение Совета министров обороны и Комитета секретарей совета безопасности ОДКБ. Принятие Стратегии тем более актуально, что терроризм остается одной из наиболее серьезных угроз международному миру и стабильности. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov reports that the session approved the draft CSTO Anti-Terrorism Strategy through 2030, presenting it as the session's most substantive preparatory achievement ahead of the November summit. The strategy has already cleared the Defense Ministers' Council and the Committee of Secretaries of Security Councils — a multi-layer endorsement Lavrov cites to demonstrate institutional coherence and cross-ministerial buy-in rather than foreign ministry unilateralism. The terrorism threat is framed in resolutely contemporary terms: exploitation of new technologies, spread of radical ideology, and deliberate destabilization campaigns targeting multiple regions. This framing positions the CSTO as a forward-looking security institution addressing 21st-century asymmetric threats, not a legacy post-Soviet defense relic. The 2030 time horizon signals long-term strategic planning. Implicitly, the strategy also projects CSTO's counter-terrorism competencies as a counterpart to — and substitute for — Western-led counter-terrorism frameworks from which member states are increasingly distancing themselves. “Today we carried out substantial work in preparation for the summit, in particular, we approved the draft CSTO Anti-Terrorism Strategy through 2030.” “It has already received approval from the Defense Ministers' Council and the Committee of Secretaries of Security Councils of the CSTO.” |
| 11 International Forum on Collective Security — Moscow, November 10–11, 2026 | |
| Террористические организации активно используют новые технологии, распространяют радикальную идеологию, стремятся дестабилизировать ситуацию в различных регионах. Предстоящее одобрение Стратегии, конечно, должно способствовать объединению усилий по линии правоохранительных органов и специальных служб. Хотел бы также проинформировать уважаемых коллег о проведении 10-11 ноября в Москве (в привязке к саммиту ОДКБ) Международного форума обеспечения коллективной безопасности. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage Lavrov announces a major institutional event: the International Forum for Ensuring Collective Security, to be held November 10–11 in Moscow alongside the CSTO Summit. Originally established in 2022 by Collective Security Council decision, this will be its first iteration in Moscow and its first staged in direct conjunction with a heads-of-state summit — a deliberate upgrade in political weight and symbolic visibility. The Forum will host substantive discussions on collective security priorities and cooperation across "Greater Eurasia" (Большая Евразия), as well as exhibitions of products, technologies, and best practices across CSTO's operational domains. Lavrov explicitly invites all member states to form national exhibition delegations and include scientists and security technology specialists. The ambition is institutional empire-building: the Forum is positioned as a permanent fixture of the CSTO calendar, eventually capable of rivaling Western defense and security forums — NATO's summits, Munich Security Conference — in scope and normative authority. “I would also like to inform our esteemed colleagues about the International Forum for Ensuring Collective Security to be held on November 10–11 in Moscow, in conjunction with the CSTO summit.” |
| Он был учрежден в 2022 г. решением Совета коллективной безопасности «О конгрессно-выставочном мероприятии ОДКБ». Впервые Форум состоится в Москве в увязке, как я сказал, с мероприятиями на высшем уровне. Предусмотрены дискуссии по приоритетным вопросам обеспечения коллективной безопасности и налаживания сотрудничества на пространстве Большой Евразии. Будут представлены экспозиции продукции, технологий, передового опыта по основным направлениям деятельности ОДКБ. |
Selected quote translation It was established in 2022 by a decision of the Collective Security Council 'On the Congress-Exhibition Event of the CSTO. |
| 12 Package of Joint Documents and the Summit Preparation Pipeline | |
| Организация Форума, о котором я сейчас упомянул, включена в перечень приоритетов председательства России в Организации. Будем рады видеть всех вас в числе его участников. В том числе предлагаем всем государствам ОДКБ сформировать национальные выставочные экспозиции и включить в состав делегаций на Форум представителей научного сообщества, тех, кто занимается современными технологиями в сфере безопасности. Коллеги, нам сегодня предстоит одобрить пакет совместных документов. |
Theme summary — not a full translation of this passage In a brief but procedurally important passage, Lavrov identifies the session's immediate task: approval of a package of joint documents, some of which will then be forwarded for heads-of-state consideration at the November summit. This reveals the CSTO Foreign Ministers' Council's functional role in the institutional lifecycle — it acts as a preparatory and gatekeeping body, refining and endorsing documents before they reach summit level. The Joint Statement on International Law, the Anti-Terrorism Strategy draft, and the Eurasian Charter discussions all flow through this pipeline. Lavrov presents this structured workflow as evidence of organizational discipline and coherence — an implicit contrast with the perceived dysfunction of Western multilateral bodies. The layered approval sequence (foreign ministers → heads of state) also serves a political purpose: it distributes ownership of outcomes across the alliance and prevents any single capital from appearing to impose an agenda unilaterally on partner states. “Colleagues, today we have to approve a package of joint documents.” |
| Ряд из них будет внесен на рассмотрение главами государств на ноябрьском саммите. *** В заключение хотел бы искренне поблагодарить Главу Республики Татарстан Р.Н.Минниханова, его команду, мэрию во главе с И.Р.Метшиным за содействие в работе, за гостеприимство и в целом за все те решения, которые мы здесь приняли, за участие в церемонии возложения венков. |
Selected quote translation A number of them will be submitted for consideration by heads of state at the November summit. |
| Это позволило не только отдать дань памяти нашим предкам, отстоявшим независимость наших стран, но и увидеть, насколько впечатляющим является Парк Победы, а также отдать долг памяти героям Великой Отечественной войны, нашим афганцам, участникам специальной военной операции . Очень большое, намоленное место. |
Full house translation — pending review This made it possible not only to pay tribute to the memory of our ancestors who defended the independence of our countries, but also to see how impressive Victory Park is, and also to pay the debt of memory to the heroes of the Great Patriotic War, to our Afghans, to the participants in the special military operation . A very great, prayed-over place. |