Transcript
Interview with Aaj Tak and India Today
English includes full house translations. Review is pending; untranslated passages and selected digest glosses remain labelled.
| Русский | English |
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| 2 India's Development as a "Miracle" | |
| В.Путин: Надеюсь, что и вам у нас, в России, хорошо. Надеюсь, что вам Москва нравится, Кремль, где мы сейчас с вами работаем. У нас, как видите, тоже всё развивается по плану. В целом мы довольны ситуацией, которая складывается у нас в экономике. И самое главное, на данный момент я очень рад тому, что предстоит встреча, как вы только что сказали, с моим другом, с Премьер-министром Моди. Мы давно договаривались увидеться именно в Индии, нам есть о чём поговорить, потому что объём нашего взаимодействия с Индией очень большой. Я уже не говорю про историю наших отношений, она носит вообще уникальный характер, уникальный. И хотел бы сказать, что путь, который прошла Индия с момента завоевания своей независимости – всего за 77 лет, это очень короткий срок в истории, – Индия проделала колоссальный путь развития, просто колоссальный. Ну я ещё об этом скажу. Знаете, когда мы живём, в текущей жизни мы не очень замечаем изменения, которые происходят прямо сейчас, на глазах, это очень редко получается. А если посмотреть чуть-чуть назад, то то, что произошло в Индии, это действительно в известном смысле чудо. Ведь, смотрите, мало, наверное, у вас-то кто знает, что продолжительность жизни увеличилась в Индии за это время более чем в два раза. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: I hope you too are enjoying being here in Russia. I hope you like Moscow and the Kremlin, where we are working together now. As you can see, everything here is also developing according to plan. Overall, we are satisfied with the situation taking shape in our economy. And most importantly, at the moment I am very glad that, as you have just said, a meeting is coming up with my friend, Prime Minister Modi. We agreed long ago to meet specifically in India; we have things to discuss because the scale of our interaction with India is very large. I am not even speaking about the history of our relations: it is utterly unique, unique. And I would like to say that the journey India has made since gaining independence—in just 77 years, a very short period in history—India has traveled an enormous path of development, simply enormous. Well, I will say more about this. You know, as we live our everyday lives, we do not really notice the changes happening right now, before our eyes; we very rarely manage to do so. But if you look back just a little, what has happened in India is indeed, in a certain sense, a miracle. After all, look, probably few people even in your country know that life expectancy in India has more than doubled over this time. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified The Kremlin, Moscow |
| Г.Мохан: Мы ещё поговорим об этом спустя какое-то время. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: We will talk about this again in a little while. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Dear viewers, Hello and a very warm welcome. You are watching India Today, and I'm Anjana Om Kashyap and we're at the Kremlin today and you're about to witness history: a very historic moment. It is said that when two old friends meet, they have their private jokes, they have a lot of fun and they have a bond of camaraderie but the others in the room might feel a little uncomfortable. And why do I say this – I say this because as the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin meets Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi, the world will be watching very very closely. Vladimir Putin is undoubtedly one of the most influential politicians of the world, whose decisions don't just affect Russia, but numerous nations across the world. He is a very compelling and enigmatic figure on the world stage and it just doesn’t get more exciting than this. Hello and welcome, I’m Geeta Mohan. We have with us the man who is known to be one of the world longest serving leaders. He has seen it all – through wars and economic recessions, from disintegration of countries to a changed world order, from Boris Yeltsin to Donald Trump, from Atal Bihari Vajpaee to Manmohan Singh and to Narendra Modi. He's seen the world change right in front of him and he is taking Russia through very turbulent times and yet has cemented his position as a force to reckon with. Thank you so much, Mr President, for doing this for us, you are in conversation with India Today and Aaj Tak, and that’s the President of the Russian Federation for you. Thank you so much for joining us on our network. How are you doing? |
| В.Путин: Хорошо, поговорим обязательно. Но, во всяком случае, наши отношения с Индией развиваются по очень многим направлениям, и я очень рад возможности увидеться с Премьером Моди, с которым нас действительно связывают не только деловые, но и личные отношения, дружеские. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: All right, we will certainly talk. But in any case our relations with India are developing along a great many lines, and I am very glad of the opportunity to see Prime Minister Modi, with whom we are indeed linked not only by business relations but also by personal ones, friendly ones. |
| А.Кашьяп: Если позволите, задам вопрос. Вы только что сказали о российско-индийских связях, история которых насчитывает более семи десятилетий. Эта дружба, как говорят по-русски, она насчитывает более 70 лет. Мой вопрос в следующем: как Вы оцениваете крепость этой дружбы сейчас? И что бы Вы сказали Премьер-министру Нарендре Моди и о Премьер-министре Моди? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: If I may, I will ask a question. You have just spoken about Russian-Indian ties, whose history spans more than seven decades. This friendship, as they say in Russian, goes back more than 70 years. My question is this: how do you assess the strength of this friendship now? And what would you say to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and about Prime Minister Modi? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: We will talk about longevity in some time from now. |
| В.Путин: О Премьер-министре? |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: About the Prime Minister? |
| А.Кашьяп: Да. И ему. |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Yes. And to him. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: May I ask you a question? You just talked about the Indian-Russian ties. It all dates back to almost more than seven decades, this dostee , this druzhba in Russian, this friendship dates back to more than seven decades. My question is, how do you assess the strength of this friendship in today's time and what would you say about Prime Minister Narendra Modi and to Prime Minister Narendra Modi whom you call your dost ? |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, мир очень быстро меняется, скорость изменений нарастает, это все видят очень хорошо. Конфигурация в мире меняется, появляются новые центры силы, по-другому расклад сил в мире происходит. И в этих условиях очень важна стабильность между крупными странами, очень важна. Она создаёт определённую базу, основу для поступательного развития и в двустороннем плане, и в мире в целом. В этом смысле наша работа вместе с Премьер-министром Моди имеет очень большое значение, даже выходящее за рамки двусторонних отношений. Ну а тем более когда это касается непосредственно наших стран, то стабильность в некоторых отраслях взаимодействия чрезвычайно важна, потому что это гарантирует нам достижение целей, которые мы перед собой ставим. А Премьер-министр Моди ставит перед страной – и перед собой прежде всего, а потом перед правительством и перед страной – огромной сложности задачи. «Делай в Индии», например, его известный тезис. Он же имеет практическое измерение, в том числе и в наших двусторонних отношениях. Мы когда встречаемся, он всё время говорит: а это давайте сделаем, а то, а там, в той сфере посмотрим. Я готов буду их перечислить. Поэтому у нас много, очень много практических направлений взаимодействия. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, the world is changing very fast, the speed of the changes is growing; everyone sees this very well. The configuration in the world is changing, new centers of power are appearing, the balance of forces in the world is taking shape differently. And in these conditions stability among large countries is very important, very important. It creates a certain base, a foundation for steady development both in the bilateral plan and in the world as a whole. In this sense our work together with Prime Minister Modi is of very great significance, even going beyond the framework of bilateral relations. And all the more when it concerns our countries directly, stability in certain branches of interaction is extremely important, because it guarantees us the achievement of the goals we set ourselves. And Prime Minister Modi sets before the country — and before himself first of all, and then before the government and before the country — tasks of enormous complexity. "Make in India," for example, his well-known thesis. It has a practical dimension, including in our bilateral relations. When we meet, he says all the time: let us do this, and that, and over there, in that sphere, we will look. I will be ready to list them. So we have many, very many practical directions of interaction. |
| А.Кашьяп: Прежде чем Гита задаст следующий вопрос, очень короткий и очень интересный вопрос: когда Вы встретились на саммите ШОС с Премьер-министром Моди, есть кадры, где Вы едете вместе на машине; это было заранее спланировано, что вы поедете вместе? Каким образом это случилось? И что вы обсуждали, находясь в машине? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Before Geeta asks the next question, a very short and very interesting question: when you met Prime Minister Modi at the SCO summit, there is footage of you riding together in a car; was it planned in advance that you would travel together? How did it happen? And what did you discuss while you were in the car? |
| В.Путин: Обсуждали текущие вопросы. Это не было запланировано, просто мы вышли на улицу, подошла моя машина, я говорю: слушай, поехали вместе, – и всё. Просто по-человечески, по-товарищески, по-дружески. Ничего здесь, никакой сложной задумки не было, просто сели вместе как товарищи, как друзья, и разговаривали по дороге, вот и всё. Нам всегда есть о чём поговорить. Больше того, мы разговорились и ещё из машины не могли выйти. Потом уже говорю: ну пойдём, а то там уже нас ждут. Ничего особенного здесь нет. Это просто говорит о том, что нам есть о чём говорить и эти темы представляют для нас большой интерес. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: We discussed current questions. It was not planned; we simply went out into the street, my car pulled up, and I said: listen, let us go together — and that was all. Simply in a human way, in a comradely way, in a friendly way. There was no complicated design here, nothing of the kind; we simply sat together as comrades, as friends, and talked on the way, and that is all. We always have something to talk about. More than that, we got talking and could not even get out of the car. Then I said: well, let us go, or they are already waiting for us there. There is nothing special in this. It simply shows that we have things to talk about and that these subjects are of great interest to us. |
| Г.Мохан: Спасибо, господин Президент. Тот факт, что Вы поедете в Индию, это позволит обоим лидерам зацементировать как бы, укрепить гарантии. Какие заявления можно ожидать? Мы говорили о передаче технологий, о наращивании торговли. Какие заявления предстоят в ходе Вашего визита в Индию? Я задаю Вам этот вопрос, потому что мир – Вы понимаете, о ком я говорю, – будет следить за Вашим визитом. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Thank you, Mr President. The fact that you are going to India will allow both leaders to cement, as it were, to strengthen guarantees. What announcements can we expect? We spoke about technology transfer and expanding trade. What announcements are forthcoming during your visit to India? I am asking you this question because the world—you understand whom I mean—will be watching your visit. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Before Geeta takes on to the next question, one little, small very interesting question, because when you met Prime Minister Modi at the SCO there was this picture and video of you and him going in a car. And we are showing it to our viewers right now how you were traveling in a car with him – was it preplanned or how did it go about, how did it happen? And what did you discuss in the car? |
| В.Путин: То, что мир будет следить за нашим визитом, здесь ничего особенного нет. Индия – огромная страна, полтора миллиарда человек, развивающаяся экономика, семь процентов роста – это среди крупных экономик мира номер один. Моди это сделал, он добился этого, понимаете? Этим может гордиться индийский народ и он как руководитель правительства. Понятно, что всегда есть критики, которые полагают, что можно было бы сделать лучше. Но это результат. У нас есть целый план нашего взаимодействия по важнейшим отраслям. И важнейшие из них, конечно, те, которые устремлены в будущее, это высокие технологии. А мы с Индией сотрудничаем по этим направлениям и в космосе, и в энергетике – причём в атомной энергетике, это хорошо известно, [АЭС] «Куданкулам», один из лидеров, крупных проектов, – в судостроении, в авиации. У нас очень много интересных направлений, устремлённых как раз в будущее. Например, тот же искусственный интеллект – может быть, поговорим ещё об этом. Это одна из таких ключевых технологий будущего, которая меняет мир на глазах, просто на глазах, всё увеличивает в разы и создаёт определённые вызовы, это тоже правда. Обо всём этом мы и будем говорить, выбирая то, что представляет для нас – как и Премьер Моди считает, как и я считаю – наибольшую ценность. На этом и будем сосредоточить внимание, это и будем сопровождать административно. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: That the world will follow our visit — there is nothing special in that. India is an enormous country, one and a half billion people, a developing economy, seven percent growth — that is number one among the large economies of the world. Modi did this; he achieved it, do you understand? The Indian people can be proud of this, and he as head of the government. It is clear that there are always critics who suppose it could have been done better. But this is a result. We have a whole plan of our interaction in the most important branches. And the most important of them, of course, are those directed toward the future; these are high technologies. And we cooperate with India in these directions both in space and in energy — and in nuclear energy, this is well known, the [NPP] Kudankulam, one of the leaders, of the large projects — in shipbuilding, in aviation. We have a great many interesting directions aimed precisely at the future. For example that same artificial intelligence — perhaps we will talk of this further. This is one of those key technologies of the future that is changing the world before our eyes, simply before our eyes, increasing everything several times over and creating certain challenges; that is true too. All of this is what we will talk about, choosing what is of the greatest value for us — as Prime Minister Modi considers, and as I consider. On this we will concentrate attention, and this we will accompany administratively. |
| Г.Мохан: Есть ли какие-то конкретные соглашения, которые предстоит подписать? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Are there any specific agreements that are to be signed? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Thank you, Mr President. The fact that you are going to India. You just said that both leaders are going to cement the guarantees that you give each other. What are the kind of announcements that we can expect? We've heard about technology transfer, we've heard about trade enhancement. What are the solid announcements during this visit? And I ask you this, because the world – and you know who I mean – would be watching. |
| В.Путин: Конечно. Сейчас просто, наверное, лучше не анонсировать их, потому что в ходе визита это всё будет сделано, и мы тогда представим это общественности. И потом наши коллеги нам представят все подготовленные документы, мы должны будем их окончательно утвердить. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Of course. Right now it is probably better not to announce them, because during the visit all of this will be done, and then we will present it to the public. And afterward our colleagues will present to us all the documents that have been prepared; we will have to give them final approval. |
| Г.Мохан: Предлагаю перейти к энергетике. Поговорим об устойчивости в торговле. Есть огромное давление на Индию, на Россию, в особенности когда речь заходит о нефти, Индия пострадала от прессинга со стороны Запада. Каким образом обе страны могут противостоять западному санкционному давлению? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: I suggest moving on to energy. Let us talk about resilience in trade. There is enormous pressure on India and on Russia, especially when it comes to oil; India has suffered from Western pressure. How can both countries withstand Western sanctions pressure? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Are there any specific agreements? |
| 3 Energy Trade and Resisting Western Pressure | |
| В.Путин: Дело в том, что этот прессинг, о котором Вы сказали, это чаще всего использование политических инструментов в обычной конкурентной борьбе. Наше сотрудничество с Индией в области энергетики не связано с текущей конъюнктурой, с политической конъюнктурой сегодняшнего дня, даже с трагическими событиями на Украине. Что касается углеводородов, то наши экономоператоры задолго до этого, задолго до украинских событий установили между собой очень хороший, доверительный и эффективно функционирующий контакт торгово-экономический. Наша крупная компания приобрела, как известно, в Индии нефтеперерабатывающий завод. Это была одна из самых крупных иностранных инвестиций в экономику Индии – свыше 20 миллиардов долларов. И наша компания развивает это предприятие, работает со своими партнёрами, работает удачно из года в год. Индия стала одним из крупных поставщиков нефтепродуктов на европейский рынок. И не только потому, что покупает нашу нефть со скидкой, это складывалось годами и не имеет отношения к текущей конъюнктуре. Кому-то это стало не очень нравиться, допустим, что Индия занимает текущие позиции на мировых рынках за счёт сотрудничества с Россией, и начали придумывать, как ограничивать Индию по этим направлениям, искусственно, по политическим соображениям начали закрывать ей эти возможности. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: The point is that this pressure you spoke of is most often the use of political instruments in ordinary competitive struggle. Our cooperation with India in the field of energy is not connected with the current conjuncture, with the political conjuncture of the present day, or even with the tragic events in Ukraine. As for hydrocarbons, our economic operators, long before this, long before the Ukrainian events, established among themselves a very good, trusting, and efficiently functioning trade and economic contact. Our large company acquired, as is known, an oil refinery in India. This was one of the largest foreign investments in the economy of India — over 20 billion dollars. And our company is developing this enterprise, working with its partners, working successfully from year to year. India has become one of the large suppliers of oil products to the European market. And not only because it buys our oil at a discount; this took shape over years and has no relation to the current conjuncture. Someone began not to like this very much, let us say that India occupies its current positions on world markets through cooperation with Russia, and they began to invent how to limit India along these lines, and artificially, for political reasons, began to close these possibilities to it. |
| А.Кашьяп: Это очень важный вопрос. Однако мой вопрос касается защиты. Индия по-прежнему является одним из крупнейших покупателей оборонной продукции, военной продукции [примерно 38 процентов российского экспорта вооружений]. Мой вопрос заключается вот в чём. В свете санкций со стороны США, в связи с тарифами – это Америка, они принимают разные методы, – каким образом Вы планируете обойти всё это? Будете Вы отказываться от сотрудничества или, напротив, идти вперёд до конца? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: This is a very important question. However, my question concerns defense. India remains one of the largest purchasers of defense products, military products [approximately 38 percent of Russian arms exports]. My question is this. In light of US sanctions, in connection with tariffs—this is America, they use various methods—how do you plan to get around all this? Will you abandon cooperation or, on the contrary, keep moving forward all the way? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: I suggest we switch to the energy sector. Just talking about sustainability and trade. There's immense pressure on India and on Russia when it comes to oil. India has suffered in terms of the kind of pressure that we're The issue here is that the pressure you have referred to typically involves employing political instruments to influence normal competition. Our energy cooperation with India remains unaffected by current conditions, fleeting political swings, or indeed the tragic events in Ukraine. Regarding hydrocarbons: well before the Ukrainian situation, our business entities had already built a solid and efficient commercial relationship that is based on mutual trust. It's widely known that one of our leading companies acquired an oil refinery in India – this investment represented one of the largest foreign inflows into the Indian economy, totalling more than US$20 billion. Our company has been continuously expanding operations of this refinery, working with its partners, operating successfully year after year. As a result, India has become one of the major refined product suppliers to Europe – not just because it buys our oil with a discount. It took years to achieve and is in no way connected to the current economic environment. Certain actors clearly dislike India's growing role in international markets owing to its ties with Russia. Consequently, they're seeking means to constrain India's influence for political reasons by imposing artificial obstacles. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified | Anjana Om Kashyap: Economy is a very important point, but my question to you now would be about defence. India continues to be the biggest defence buyer, roughly 38% of the market from Russia is bought by India. My question is in view of the sanctions by the US or the load they have laid on India, the arm-twisting methods that are being adopted – and I name, it's America – how do |
| 4 Payments in National Currencies and De-Dollarisation | |
| В.Путин: Мне кажется, что и Индия, и весь мир увидели, что с Индией нельзя разговаривать так, как с ней обращались 77 лет назад. Индия – великая держава, а не английская колония, и с этим всем придётся считаться. Но и потом глава индийского правительства господин Моди не тот человек, который поддаётся давлению. Индийский народ может гордиться своим лидером. Это вещи совершенно очевидные. У него твёрдая, ясная позиция, не конфронтационная. И мы ни с кем не собираемся конфликтовать, но мы просто работаем над защитой своих законных интересов. И то же самое делает Индия. Препятствия в чём заключаются? В расчётах. Но мы уже свыше 90 процентов всех наших расчётов производим в национальных валютах. Есть здесь проблемы определённые, связанные с тем, что у нас много посредников, но есть и решения: можно переходить на имеющиеся у нас системы обмена финансовой электронной информацией и Банка России, и индийских наших партнёров. Эта работа идёт, она выстраивается. И те, кто предпринимает попытки ограничить взаимодействие в экономической сфере третьих стран, в конечном итоге сами сталкиваются с проблемами и убытками для себя. Я думаю, что когда это понимание и осознание придёт в полном объёме, тогда и прекратится эта практика давления извне. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: It seems to me that both India and the whole world have seen that one cannot talk to India the way it was treated 77 years ago. India is a great power, not an English colony, and everyone will have to reckon with this. And besides, the head of the Indian government, Mr. Modi, is not a man who yields to pressure. The Indian people can be proud of their leader. These things are entirely obvious. He has a firm, clear position, not a confrontational one. And we do not intend to come into conflict with anyone, but we simply work to defend our lawful interests. And India does the same. What do the obstacles consist in? In settlements. But we already carry out over 90 percent of all our settlements in national currencies. There are certain problems here, connected with our having many intermediaries, but there are solutions too: one can move over to the systems we have for exchanging financial electronic information, both of the Bank of Russia and of our Indian partners. This work is going on; it is being built up. And those who attempt to limit the economic interaction of third countries in the end themselves run into problems and losses for themselves. I think that when this understanding and this awareness come in full, then this practice of pressure from outside will cease too. |
| А.Кашьяп: Три конкретных вопроса, господин Президент. Во-первых, во время операции «Синдур» вооружение, которое мы закупили в России, оказалось важнейшим, ключевым элементом нашего успеха. Поэтому хочу задать вопрос об С-400, системе противовоздушной обороны: когда мы можем ожидать систему С-400? Далее вопрос по С-500, ещё более изощрённой системе. И третий – Су-57, истребитель нового поколения. Есть ли какие-то новости по этим направлениям? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Three specific questions, Mr President. First, during Operation Sindoor, the weapons we purchased from Russia proved to be the most important, key element of our success. So I want to ask about the S-400 air defense system: when can we expect the S-400 system? Next, a question about the S-500, an even more sophisticated system. And third, the Su-57, a new-generation fighter. Is there any news on these fronts? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Three specific questions, Sir. Number one: because during Operation Sindoor the weapons we had acquired from Russia have proved to be very crucial in our victory. That is why I would like to ask you specifically about S400, the air defence system, the five S400 that are awaited – by when can we expect that? The second question is on S500, an even more advanced air defence system. And the third |
| 5 Defence Cooperation and Technology Sharing | |
| В.Путин: Вы прямо эксперты, как будто мы находимся сейчас на переговорах в сфере военно-технического сотрудничества. Но если говорить об этом основательно, то Индия – один из наших надёжных и особо доверительных партнёров в этой сфере. Потому что мы не просто что-то продаём Индии, а Индия что-то покупает в сфере обороны и безопасности, нет, – у нас другой уровень, другое качество отношений с Индией, и мы этим дорожим. И мы видим, что и индийская сторона дорожит этим. Почему? Повторяю, мы не просто продаём, мы делимся технологиями, а это очень редкий случай в сфере военно-технического сотрудничества, который говорит об уровне нашего доверия межгосударственного и доверия между народами, я бы так сказал. А это очень широкая номенклатура изделий: это и военное кораблестроение, это ракетостроение, самолётостроение. Вы сейчас назвали Су-57. Но Индия пользуется и другими нашими машинами, самолётами. А производство бронированной техники? Индия же производит наши танки Т-90. Уверяю вас, это одни из самых лучших танков в мире. Известная всем ракета «БраМос», которую мы сделали вместе с Индией, – Индия производит на своих предприятиях. Поэтому призыв Премьера Моди «делай в Индии» и в этой сфере тоже надо осуществлять. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You are real experts, as if we were now in negotiations in the sphere of military-technical cooperation. But if one speaks of this thoroughly, India is one of our reliable and especially trusted partners in this sphere. Because we do not simply sell something to India, and India does not simply buy something in the sphere of defense and security — no; we have a different level, a different quality of relations with India, and we value this. And we see that the Indian side values it too. Why? I repeat: we do not simply sell, we share technologies, and this is a very rare case in the sphere of military-technical cooperation, one that speaks of the level of our interstate trust and of the trust between peoples, I would say. And this is a very wide range of items: military shipbuilding, and rocket-building, and aircraft-building. You have just named the Su-57. But India uses our other machines, our aircraft, too. And the production of armored equipment? India produces our T-90 tanks. I assure you, these are some of the best tanks in the world. The BrahMos missile, known to everyone, which we made together with India — India produces it at its own plants. So Prime Minister Modi's call, "Make in India," must be carried out in this sphere too. |
| Г.Мохан: «Калашников» также. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Kalashnikov as well. |
| В.Путин: «Калашников» – это тоже важное оружие, это понятно. Но мы сейчас говорили о сфере высоких, можно сказать, высочайших технологий. И с учётом опыта применения некоторых видов оружия в боевой обстановке их ценность многократно возросла, многократно. Теперь и индийские военные специалисты прекрасно понимают, имея в виду хорошие контакты с нашими военными, что, как и в каких условиях эффективно работает, что, где и как нужно применять. Это чрезвычайно важное понимание и с российской, и с индийской стороны есть. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: The Kalashnikov is an important weapon too; that is clear. But we were just speaking of the sphere of high technologies, the very highest, one might say. And given the experience of using certain kinds of weapons in combat, their value has grown many times over, many times over. Indian military specialists now understand perfectly too, bearing in mind their good contacts with our military, what works effectively, and how, and in what conditions, and what must be used where and how. This extremely important understanding exists both on the Russian side and on the Indian side. |
| Г.Мохан: Господин Президент, хочу вернуться к вопросу о нефти. Вы говорили о стратегической автономии. Индия пыталась добиться такой автономии. Стратегическая автономия предполагает защиту индийских интересов. Но Индия правда снизила закупки российской нефти после давления со стороны Запада? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Mr President, I want to return to the question of oil. You spoke about strategic autonomy. India has tried to achieve such autonomy. Strategic autonomy entails protecting Indian interests. But has India really reduced its purchases of Russian oil following pressure from the West? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Mr President, I have to go back to your oil question, because you spoke about strategic autonomy, which is what India has been talking about. Strategic autonomy decides for India's interests, but has India reduced Russian intake of oil after pressure from the West? |
| В.Путин: У нас есть некоторое снижение товарооборота в целом за первые девять месяцев текущего года. Ну это такая корректировка. В целом торговый оборот у нас находится на примерно таком же уровне, как и был. Я сейчас не могу сказать вам точно по цифрам по месяцам, но торговля нефтепродуктами, нефтью, производство нефтепродуктов для потребителей нефти, российской нефти, в Индии идёт абсолютно ритмично. Я знаю настроение российских партнёров, российских компаний. Они считают, что их индийские контрагенты – это надёжные и очень серьёзные люди. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: We have some decline in trade turnover on the whole for the first nine months of the current year. Well, this is a kind of correction. On the whole our trade turnover is at roughly the same level as it was. I cannot tell you the figures by month exactly just now, but trade in oil products and oil, and the production of oil products for consumers of oil, of Russian oil, is proceeding in India in an entirely steady rhythm. I know the mood of the Russian partners, the Russian companies. They consider their Indian counterparties reliable and very serious people. |
| Г.Мохан: Ещё один важный аспект сотрудничества Индии и России – это ядерная сфера. Россия является одним из крупнейших игроков на ядерной арене. Есть ли какие-то новые заявления о ядерной сфере? [Ядерная сфера сегодня является чувствительной темой для России.] |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Another important aspect of cooperation between India and Russia is the nuclear sphere. Russia is one of the largest players in the nuclear arena. Are there any new announcements about the nuclear sphere? [The nuclear sphere is a sensitive subject for Russia today.] |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: The other important aspect in terms of cooperation between India and Russia is the nuclear front. Russia has been one of the biggest movers when it comes to nuclear facilities in India. Are we looking at important announcements on the nuclear front? Nuclear today is a sensitive issue for Russia. |
| 6 Nuclear Energy Cooperation | |
| В.Путин: Есть. Как не быть? Мы действительно один из крупнейших игроков, как Вы сказали. Но мы не игроки, если по-серьёзному говорить, мы производители новейшего и самого надёжного и мире оборудования для атомных электростанций. Российская компания «Росатом» больше всех других компаний мира производит и строит ядерных реакторов для атомных электростанций за границей – 22 атомных блока. Наша с вами известная станция, известный объект «Куданкулам», является одним из лидеров в этом отношении. Это крупные блоки, они эффективно работают и, повторяю, зарекомендовали себя в высшей степени положительно. Но есть и новости, о которых Вы сейчас спросили. А в чём они заключаются, что это за новости? Новости заключаются в том, что Россия – единственная, наверное, сейчас страна в мире, которая способна производить и производит атомные электростанции малой мощности. Такие электростанции уже работают в России, причём мы можем производить и в надводном варианте, и на земле. И это очень хороший вариант, который в отдельных местностях может эффективно применяться, где нет необходимости строить крупные электростанции или потом тащить электросети от объектов генерации до потребителя, а можно в каких-то труднодоступных регионах, в труднодоступных местах ставить небольшие атомные генерации. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: There is. How could there not be? We really are one of the largest players, as you said. But we are not players, if one speaks seriously; we are producers of the newest and the most reliable equipment in the world for nuclear power stations. The Russian company Rosatom produces and builds, more than any other company in the world, nuclear reactors for nuclear power stations abroad — 22 nuclear units. Our well-known station, the well-known Kudankulam facility, is one of the leaders in this respect. These are large units; they work efficiently and, I repeat, have proved themselves positive in the highest degree. But there is news too, which you have just asked about. And what does it consist in, what is this news? The news is that Russia is probably the only country in the world now that is capable of producing, and does produce, nuclear power stations of small capacity. Such power stations are already working in Russia, and we can produce them both in a surface variant and on land. And this is a very good variant, which can be applied effectively in particular localities where there is no need to build large power stations or then to drag power lines from the generating facilities to the consumer, and where one can, in some hard-to-reach regions, in hard-to-reach places, set up small nuclear generation. |
| Г.Мохан: Это очень обширное сотрудничество. Вы говорили про «делайте в Индии, делайте с Россией». Как Президент Трамп отреагирует на всё это? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: This is very extensive cooperation. You spoke about “make in India, make with Russia.” How will President Trump react to all this? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: That's a lot of collaboration and cooperation. You're talking about ”Make in India, Make With Russia.“ How do you think President Trump is going to react to all of this? |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, ни я, ни Премьер Моди, несмотря на то что мы испытываем некоторое давление со стороны, никогда – я хочу это подчеркнуть, хочу, чтобы вы услышали, – никогда не выстраиваем свою работу, работая между собой, против кого бы то ни было. У Президента Трампа своя политика, свои задачи, мы решаем свои – не против кого бы то ни было, а за себя, обеспечивая свои интересы: индийские и российские. Мы никому не вредим в нашей работе, и поэтому думаю, что лидеры других государств это должны оценить. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, neither I nor Prime Minister Modi, despite our coming under some pressure from outside, ever — I want to stress this, I want you to hear it — ever arrange our work, in working with each other, against anyone whomsoever. President Trump has his own policy and his own tasks; we are dealing with ours — not against anyone whomsoever, but for ourselves, securing our own interests, Indian and Russian. We harm no one in our work, and so I think the leaders of other states ought to appreciate this. |
| А.Кашьяп: Господин Президент, что касается господина Дональда Трампа, у меня есть и второй вопрос про него, потому что недавно он говорил, что, если вы покупаете нефть у России – он говорил это об Индии, – вы финансируете таким образом войну между Россией и Украиной. Как бы Вы охарактеризовали господина Дональда Трампа, Президента Соединённых Штатов Америки? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Mr. President, regarding Mr. Donald Trump, I have a second question about him, because he recently said that if you buy oil from Russia—he was saying this about India—you are thereby financing the war between Russia and Ukraine. How would you characterize Mr. Donald Trump, President of the United States of America? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: With regard to Mr Donald Trump. My second question is also about him, because recently he said that if you are buying oil from Russia, – about India – you are funding the Russian-Ukrainian war. How would you characterise Mr Donald Trump, the President of the United States of America? |
| 7 Trump, Tariffs and US Hypocrisy | |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, я никогда не даю характеристик своим коллегам, даже тем, с кем работал раньше, а уж тем более действующим лидерам отдельных государств. Эти оценки должны давать граждане, которые голосуют за того или иного лидера в ходе избирательных кампаний. Что касается покупок или покупки энергоносителей у России со стороны Индии, хочу отметить, я уже это говорил однажды публично: ведь Соединённые Штаты до сих пор покупают у нас то же самое ядерное топливо для своих атомных электростанций. Это ведь тоже топливо – уран для атомных электростанций, работающих в США. Но если США имеют право покупать у нас топливо, почему Индия должна быть лишена такого права? Это вопрос, требующий своего кропотливого исследователя, и мы готовы подискутировать на этот счёт и с Президентом Трампом. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, I never give characterizations of my colleagues, even of those I worked with earlier, and still less of acting leaders of particular states. These assessments must be given by the citizens who vote for one leader or another in the course of election campaigns. As for India's purchases, or purchase, of energy supplies from Russia, I want to note something I have already said publicly once: the United States is still buying the same nuclear fuel from us for its nuclear power stations. That too is fuel — uranium for the nuclear power stations operating in the United States. But if the United States has the right to buy fuel from us, why should India be deprived of that right? This is a question that requires its own painstaking researcher, and we are ready to debate on this score with President Trump as well. |
| Г.Мохан: Вы очень добро отозвались, Вы сказали, что не даёте характеристики Трампу, но он постоянно это делает. Он использовал тарифы в качестве оружия против Индии в том числе, и сейчас есть и вопросы с поставками угля. Как Вы думаете, Вам нужно отреагировать на такие слова? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: You spoke very kindly; you said that you do not offer characterizations of Trump, but he does so all the time. He has used tariffs as a weapon against India as well, and now there are also issues with coal supplies. Do you think you need to respond to such words? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: You are being very kind, you say you are not characterising Trump, but he certainly does that with regard to you. Having said this, he has weaponised tariffs. And he has weaponised it against India. How do you think the two countries should be handling Donald Trump and the US administration? You know, he pursues his own policy, and he has advisors – his decisions aren't made out of thin air. He has advisors who believe that implementing such tariff policies, involving the imposition of additional duties on trade partners, ultimately benefits the US economy. He is acting in good faith, I presume. Our experts believe there are risks involved, but it is the choice of each country and its leadership to decide which economic policy to adopt. We have never engaged in such practices, do not do so now, and have no intention of doing so in the future. Our economy is open. We hope that, in the end, all violations of World Trade Organisation regulations will be rectified. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified | Geeta Mohan: Mr President, things have changed a little between the US and Russia. The fact that America is engaging you, we would have loved to be a fly on the wall when you were meeting with Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff. That was an important meeting. Were there red lines that Russia reiterated? What really happened? |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, он проводит свою политику, и у него есть советники – он не с потолка берёт, а у него советники, которые считают, что проведение такой тарифной политики, связанной с введением дополнительных тарифов на своих контрагентов, в конечном итоге приносит пользу экономике США. Он делает это искренне, я полагаю. Наши эксперты считают, что здесь есть опасности, но это выбор самой страны и лидеров той или иной страны, какую экономическую политику выбирать. Мы этого не делали никогда, не делаем и не собираемся, у нас экономика открытая. Мы надеемся, что в конечном итоге все нарушения, которые связаны с правилами Всемирной торговой организации, будут устранены. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, he conducts his own policy, and he has advisers — he does not take it out of thin air; he has advisers who consider that pursuing a tariff policy of this kind, connected with introducing additional tariffs on one's counterparties, in the end brings benefit to the economy of the United States. He does this sincerely, I suppose. Our experts consider that there are dangers here, but it is the choice of the country itself, and of the leaders of one country or another, which economic policy to choose. We have never done this, we are not doing it, and we do not intend to; our economy is an open one. We hope that in the end all the breaches connected with the rules of the World Trade Organization will be removed. |
| Г.Мохан: Господин Президент, состояние отношений между Россией и США несколько поменялось. Нам было бы очень интересно послушать Вашу встречу вчера с Уиткоффом и Кушнером. Наверняка это была очень интересная встреча. Были ли какие-то «красные линии», которые Россия вновь подтвердила? Что произошло? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Mr. President, the state of relations between Russia and the United States has changed somewhat. We would be very interested to listen to your meeting yesterday with Witkoff and Kushner. It must have been a very interesting meeting. Were there any “red lines” that Russia reaffirmed? What happened? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Five hours! Witkoff and Kushner? |
| В.Путин: Об этом сейчас рано говорить. Я не думаю, что вам было бы интересно слушать, потому что она продолжалась пять часов. Она и мне надоела уже – пять часов! Но она была необходима, потому что… |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: It is too early to speak about this now. I do not think it would be interesting for you to listen, because it lasted five hours. I am already tired of it myself — five hours! But it was necessary, because… |
| А.Кашьяп: Пять часов! Уиткофф и Кушнер? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Five hours! Witkoff and Kushner? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Were there certain specific points of disagreement? |
| В.Путин: Да. А я один. Представляете, безобразие какое? Но если говорить серьёзно, она была очень полезной, потому что то, что нам привезли американские коллеги, было основано так или иначе на наших договорённостях до моей встречи с Президентом Трампом на Аляске. Мы так или иначе говорили об этих вопросах на встрече в Анкоридже. Но всё-таки то, что нам привезли американцы сейчас, этого мы пока не видели, и поэтому нам пришлось пройтись практически по каждому пункту, поэтому и это заняло столько времени. Так что это нужная была беседа, абсолютно конкретная и обстоятельная. Я хотела бы задать вопрос: были ли какие-то конкретные пункты, где Вы не согласны, какие-то конкретные вопросы несогласия? |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Yes. And I am alone. Can you imagine what an outrage that is? But to speak seriously, it was very useful, because what our American colleagues brought us was based, in one way or another, on our understandings from before my meeting with President Trump in Alaska. In one way or another we spoke of these questions at the meeting in Anchorage. But all the same, what the Americans have brought us now is something we had not yet seen, and so we had to go through practically every point, and that is why it took so much time. So it was a necessary conversation, entirely concrete and thorough. I would like to ask a question: were there any specific points on which you do not agree, any specific questions of disagreement? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified | Geeta Mohan: You are saying that the 28 points peace proposal is not on the table? |
| В.Путин: Да, такие вопросы были, мы их обсуждали. Но это сложная работа и сложная миссия, которую взял на себя Президент Трамп, надо отдать должное, это я говорю без всякой иронии, потому что добиться того, чтобы конфликтующие стороны пришли к какому-то консенсусу, – это непростая задача. Но Президент Трамп действительно, я в этом уверен, искренне пытается это сделать. Поэтому мы проходились по каждому пункту, говорю я ещё раз. И где-то мы говорили о том, что «да, это можно обсуждать, а с этим мы согласиться не можем». Именно в таком ключе и шла работа. Сказать сейчас, что конкретно нам, значит, не подходит, а с чем мы могли бы согласиться, – мне кажется, это преждевременно, потому что это может просто нарушить тот режим работы, который пытается Президент Трамп организовать. Но ведь они чем занимаются? Челночной дипломатией. Они поговорили с представителями Украины, потом поговорили с европейцами, потом приехали к нам, потом у них опять встреча с украинцами и европейцами. Я думаю, что надо включаться в эту работу, а не мешать. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Yes, there were such questions; we discussed them. But this is hard work, and a hard mission that President Trump has taken upon himself; credit must be given, and I say this without any irony, because to bring the parties in conflict to some consensus is no simple task. But President Trump really is, I am sure of this, trying sincerely to do it. So we went through every point; I say it once again. And in some places we said, "yes, this can be discussed, but this we cannot agree to." The work went on in precisely that key. To say now specifically what does not suit us, and what we could agree to, seems to me premature, because it might simply upset the working arrangement that President Trump is trying to organize. But what is it they are doing? Shuttle diplomacy. They talked with representatives of Ukraine, then talked with the Europeans, then came to us, then they meet the Ukrainians and the Europeans again. I think one must join in this work, and not get in its way. |
| Г.Мохан: Вы говорите, что 28 пунктов – вот это предложение сейчас не обсуждается? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Are you saying that the 28 points—this proposal is not being discussed now? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: We will go back to that and try to understand how it's going forward. What happened in Alaska? You met President Trump and it was all about the peace deal, right? What happened? Did you actually have sense of or see a sincere intent? |
| В.Путин: Обсуждают, как раз они и обсуждают. Просто они разбили эти 28, потом 27 пунктов на четыре пакета и предложили обсуждать вот эти четыре пакета. Но, по сути, это те же самые 27 пунктов. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: They are discussing them; that is precisely what they are discussing. They simply divided these 28, then 27 points into four packages and proposed discussing these four packages. But in essence these are the same 27 points. |
| А.Кашьяп: Да, мы вернёмся к этому и попытаемся понять, как двигается работа. Итак, что произошло на Аляске? Вы встретились с Президентом Трампом, всё было посвящено мирному договору. Что произошло? У Вас действительно было ощущение искреннего желания и намерения? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Yes, we will return to this and try to understand how the work is progressing. So, what happened in Alaska? You met with President Trump; it was all devoted to a peace treaty. What happened? Did you really have a sense of sincere desire and intention? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Yes, he has spoken about intentions, you're right about. He claimed he would end wars and conflicts – causing consternation in India when he claimed that he had brought peace between India and Pakistan, now he's looking at Russia and Ukraine. Do you really think he's a peacemaker? Regarding the situation in Ukraine – yes, let me repeat once again, I am absolutely certain, with no doubt at all, he sincerely aims for a peaceful resolution. Let me stress once again: the United States may have various reasons for this – humanitarian ones personally for Trump because he genuinely wants to end hostilities and prevent further loss of life, but there could also be political interests tied to ending the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, or economic motives too. By the way, they can be in the energy area and in other areas. There are numerous areas where restoring economic relations between the US and Russia would benefit both sides. I showed you some letters – I won't go into this now – large US companies sent to us. We should remember this. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified | Comment: Really? |
| 8 Ukraine Peace Talks and the Witkoff Meeting | |
| В.Путин: Да, было ощущение, даже не просто ощущение, у меня и сомнений нет, что у Президента Трампа искреннее желание – сейчас не будем говорить, чем это вызвано, не будем говорить о том, чем продиктовано это искреннее желание, но оно точно совершенно есть. И у Соединённых Штатов, и у Президента Трампа есть – наверняка – своё понимание того, почему это нужно закончить и как можно быстрее. В том числе, кстати говоря, и по гуманитарным вопросам. Я считаю искренне, что это тоже один из побудительных мотивов поведения Президента Трампа по этому сюжету, потому что он всё время говорит и, уверен, искренне, что он хочет минимизировать количество потерь. И он, полагаю, исходит в том числе из этих гуманитарных соображений. Но есть и другие: и политические, и экономические, поэтому я думаю, что США стремятся к поиску этого решения. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Yes, there was a sense — not even simply a sense; I have no doubts — that President Trump has a sincere wish. We will not speak now of what gave rise to it; we will not speak of what dictated this sincere wish, but it most certainly exists. And the United States, and President Trump, certainly have their own understanding of why this must be ended, and as quickly as possible. Including, by the way, on humanitarian questions. I sincerely consider that this too is one of the motives of President Trump's conduct in this matter, because he says all the time, and I am sure sincerely, that he wants to minimize the number of losses. And he proceeds, I suppose, from these humanitarian considerations as well. But there are others too: both political and economic, so I think that the United States is striving to find this solution. |
| Г.Мохан: Да, он действительно говорил о своих намерениях, Вы совершенно правы. Он говорил, что он заканчивал войны и конфликты, он заявлял, к расстройству Индии, что он сумел наладить мир между Индией и Пакистаном, а сейчас он смотрит на Россию и Украину. Вы действительно считаете, что он миротворец? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Yes, he did speak about his intentions; you are absolutely right. He said that he had ended wars and conflicts; he claimed, to India's dismay, that he had managed to establish peace between India and Pakistan, and now he is looking at Russia and Ukraine. Do you really consider him a peacemaker? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Comment: It’s surprising. |
| В.Путин: В случае, касающемся ситуации на Украине, – да, он, повторяю ещё раз, уверен просто, у меня нет сомнений, искренне стремится к поиску мирного решения. Ещё раз подчеркну, у Соединённых Штатов могут быть разные причины для этого – и гуманитарного характера лично для Трампа, потому что он действительно стремится к прекращению боевых действий и потери людей, но могут быть и политические интересы прекращения противостояния между Россией и Украиной, и экономические тоже. Кстати говоря, в сфере энергетики они могут лежать, в других сферах. Очень много направлений, где восстановление отношений экономического характера между Соединёнными Штатами и Россией выгодно как России, так и Соединённым Штатам. Я вам показал некоторые письма, сейчас не буду уже об этом говорить, письма крупных американских компаний к нам. Нужно не забывать о том, что они есть. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: In the case concerning the situation in Ukraine — yes, he, I repeat once more, is simply sure; I have no doubts; he sincerely strives to find a peaceful solution. I stress once more: the United States may have different reasons for this — both of a humanitarian character, personally for Trump, because he really does strive for an end to the fighting and to the loss of people, and there may also be a political interest in ending the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, and an economic one too. By the way, they may lie in the energy sphere, and in other spheres. There are a great many directions in which the restoration of relations of an economic character between the United States and Russia is advantageous both to Russia and to the United States. I showed you some letters; I will not speak of this any further now, letters from large American companies to us. One must not forget that they exist. |
| Реплика: Действительно? |
Full house translation — pending review Реплика: Really? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: They arrived with letters from companies – quite astonishingly unexpected indeed. |
| В.Путин: Конечно. О том, что они существуют. Они ждут, пока закончатся все проблемы, и они готовы вернуться к нам и хотят это сделать, просят об этом не забывать. Бумаги прямо лежат. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Of course. About the fact that they exist. They are waiting until all the problems end, and they are ready to return to us and want to do so; they ask that this not be forgotten. The papers are lying right there. |
| Реплика: Удивительно! |
Full house translation — pending review Реплика: Amazing! |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: This conversation is becoming very interesting because there are so many highlights of understanding and it is really pleasant to see you, and your sense of humour, and how you are putting things forth. But now we are going to go into a very serious matter – and that is the Russia-Ukraine war. So what, in your view, would constitute a victory for Russia in the Russia-Ukraine war? What are the red lines? Because you have, and I quote you, you have said very clearly that Russia will lay down arms only if Kiev's troops withdraw from the territories claimed by Russia, which parts would that be? |
| В.Путин: А что здесь такого удивительного Вы услышали? Многие хотят вернуться. Поэтому, конечно, индийское правительство правильно говорит: а нам зачем уходить, если… |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: And what so surprising did you hear here? Many want to return. So of course the Indian government is right to say: why should we leave if… |
| Г.Мохан: Приехали они с письмами от компаний – это, конечно, совершенно удивительно. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: They arrived with letters from companies—that is, of course, quite astonishing. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: What is the end gain for Vladimir Putin in Ukraine? |
| В.Путин: Нет, Вы меня неправильно поняли. У нас письма от американских компаний, у нас уже есть письма, которые они нам прислали и просят о них не забывать, о том, что они есть, наши партнёры бывшие, они не по своей воле ушли, они хотят вернуться, ждут только сигнала политического и так далее. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: No, you understood me incorrectly. We have letters from American companies; we already have letters that they sent us, asking that they not be forgotten, that they exist, our former partners; they did not leave of their own will, they want to return, they are only waiting for a political signal, and so on. |
| А.Кашьяп: Очень интересное у нас обсуждение, потому что у нас действительно появляется понимание того, что происходит, у Вас прекрасное чувство юмора. Мы понимаем, что происходит. Но переходим к серьёзным вопросам. Это война между Россией и Украиной. По Вашему мнению, что бы представляло собой победу для России в российско-украинской войне? Какие «красные линии» существуют? Вы говорили совершенно ясно, что Россия сложит оружие, только если войска Киева отойдут с территорий, на которые претендует Россия. Какие это будут части? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: We are having a very interesting discussion, because we really are gaining an understanding of what is happening; you have a wonderful sense of humor. We understand what is happening. But let us move on to serious questions. This is the war between Russia and Ukraine. In your opinion, what would constitute victory for Russia in the Russian-Ukrainian war? What “red lines” are there? You said quite clearly that Russia would lay down its arms only if Kyiv's troops withdrew from the territories Russia claims. Which parts would those be? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Before we move to the other one, just one last question. On March 8, 2014, during the annexation of Crimea, you were addressing the Federation Council and you said, ”Kiev is the mother of all Russian cities.“ What did you mean? |
| 9 Russia's Aims in Ukraine | |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, дело не в победе, как Вы сказали, а дело в том, что Россия стремится к защите – и обязательно сделает это – своих интересов. Защите своих людей, которые там проживают, защите наших традиционных ценностей, русского языка и так далее. Защите, кстати говоря, религии, которая культивируется веками на этих территориях. А ведь вы знаете, что Русская православная церковь на Украине практически под запретом: отнимают храмы, людей выгоняют из церквей и так далее – это же проблема. Я уже не говорю про запрет русского языка и так далее. Это весь комплекс, большой комплекс вопросов. Напомню ещё раз: не мы начинали эту войну. Запад потворствовал и способствовал, организовал госпереворот на Украине. После этого начались события в Крыму, а потом начались события на юго-востоке тогдашней Украины, в Донбассе. Вы знаете, не говорят же об этом: мы восемь лет, восемь лет пытались решить эти вопросы мирным путём, подписали мирные соглашения в Минске, Минские соглашения, в надежде, что удастся мирными средствами урегулировать эту проблему. Потом выяснили, что западные лидеры, они сказали об этом публично, что они и не собирались выполнять эти Минские соглашения, а подписали их только для того, чтобы дать возможность вооружиться Украине и продолжить вооружённую борьбу уже с нами. Мы вынуждены были через восемь лет уничтожения людей, которые проживают на Донбассе, – никто почему-то на Западе об этом ни слова не вспоминает, – вынуждены были признать эти республики, во-первых, а во-вторых, начать оказывать им поддержку. И наша специальная военная операция – это не начало войны, а попытка её закончить. Закончить войну, которую Запад развязал против нас руками украинских националистов. Вот что происходит на самом деле. В этом суть происходящих проблем. А закончим мы тогда, когда достигнем целей, поставленных перед началом специальной военной операции, – освободим эти территории. Вот и всё. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, the point is not victory, as you said; the point is that Russia strives to defend — and will certainly do so — its interests. The defense of its people who live there, the defense of our traditional values, of the Russian language, and so on. The defense, by the way, of the religion that has been cultivated for centuries in these territories. And you know, after all, that the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine is practically under a ban: they take churches away, drive people out of the churches, and so on — this is a problem. I am not even speaking of the ban on the Russian language, and so on. This is the whole complex, a large complex of questions. I will remind you once more: it was not we who started this war. The West indulged and assisted, and organized a coup d'état in Ukraine. After that the events in Crimea began, and then the events began in the south-east of what was then Ukraine, in the Donbass. You know, people do not speak of this: for eight years, for eight years, we tried to solve these questions by a peaceful path; we signed the peace agreements in Minsk, the Minsk agreements, in the hope that it would be possible to settle this problem by peaceful means. Then it turned out that the Western leaders — they said this publicly — had not intended to fulfill these Minsk agreements, and had signed them only in order to give Ukraine the possibility of arming itself and of continuing the armed struggle, now with us. We were forced, after eight years of the destruction of the people who live in the Donbass — for some reason no one in the West recalls a word of this — forced, first, to recognize these republics, and second, to begin giving them support. And our special military operation is not the beginning of a war, but an attempt to end it. To end the war that the West unleashed against us by the hands of Ukrainian nationalists. That is what is actually happening. This is the essence of the problems taking place. And we will finish when we achieve the aims set before the start of the special military operation — we will liberate these territories. That is all. |
| А.Кашьяп: Каковы эти цели? Какова конечная цель Владимира Путина на Украине? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: What are these goals? What is Vladimir Putin's ultimate goal in Ukraine? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: The fact that you know, you were mentioning the history and it brings me to what I did when the conflict was underway. I had travelled to Donetsk, I had travelled to Lugansk, Zaporozhye, Kherson, and most of the people there are Russian-speaking, they speak Russian language. They were very disappointed that Kiev had banned that language in eastern Ukraine. But they were also a little shocked at how Putin is doing this to us, we are his people. A lot of women I spoke to were in shock. So, what do you have to say to people in eastern Ukraine who actually have families in Russia, who, on a daily basis, move from Ukraine to Russia. What do you have to say to them? |
| В.Путин: Так я же сказал. Послушайте, мы восемь лет не признавали самопровозглашённых республик, восемь лет! Они провозгласили независимость, а мы старались наладить отношения между остальной частью Украины и этими республиками. Потом, когда поняли, что это невозможно, что их просто уничтожают, вынуждены были их признать – причём не просто их признать в части территории, а в рамках административных границ, когда они существовали ещё в советское время, а потом во времена независимой Украины, после обретения ею независимости, в рамках административных границ. И мы сразу Украине сказали, украинским войскам: люди не хотят с вами жить, они вышли на референдум, проголосовали за независимость, выведите свои войска оттуда, и никаких военных действий не будет. Нет, они предпочитали воевать. Вот сейчас довоевались, в принципе всё к этому и сводится: либо мы вооружённым путём освободим эти территории, либо украинские войска в конце концов покинут эти территории и прекратят там убивать людей. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: But that is what I said. Listen: for eight years we did not recognize the self-proclaimed republics, eight years! They proclaimed independence, and we tried to arrange relations between the rest of Ukraine and these republics. Then, when we understood that this was impossible, that they were simply being destroyed, we were compelled to recognize them — and not simply to recognize them as to a part of the territory, but within the administrative borders as they existed back in Soviet times, and then in the times of an independent Ukraine, after it gained independence, within the administrative borders. And we at once said to Ukraine, to the Ukrainian troops: the people do not want to live with you, they came out to a referendum, they voted for independence, withdraw your troops from there, and there will be no military action. No: they preferred to fight. Now they have fought their way to the end of it; in principle everything comes down to this: either we free these territories by force of arms, or the Ukrainian troops in the end leave these territories and stop killing people there. |
| А.Кашьяп: Последний вопрос, прежде чем мы перейдём к следующему, последний вопрос. 8 марта 2014 года. Вы выступили перед Советом Федерации, Вы сказали, что Киев – это мать городов русских. Что Вы имели в виду? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: One last question before we move on to the next one, one last question. 8 March 2014. You addressed the Federation Council; you said that Kyiv is the mother of Russian cities. What did you mean? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: They were shocked that there was an operation that happened, and their homes were destroyed, because they lived in eastern Ukraine. And they have love for Russia and the Russian people, and they are Russian-speaking themselves. |
| 12 "Kyiv, Mother of Russian Cities" — History | |
| В.Путин: Здесь я ничего от себя не придумал, так говорили исторически. У нас Российское государство складывалось изначально из нескольких центров. Первая столица по истории была в районе города Новгорода, на северо-западе. Потом оттуда государственность «перетекла» в город Великий Новгород, а чуть попозже – в Киев. И вот это была Древняя Русь. И с тех пор Киев и называли «мать городов русских». Потом история разворачивалась таким образом, что произошёл раздел древнерусского государства, часть этого единого когда-то древнерусского государства начала развиваться с центром в Москве, часть попала в другие страны. Например, эта часть, где Киев, некоторые другие земли, эти части попали сначала, вместе образовали государство с Литвой, потом объединились с Польшей, возникла Речь Посполитая. И, таким образом, эта часть древнерусского государства оказалась в Польше, а в XVII веке попросилась назад, в Россию. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Here I invented nothing of my own; this is how it was said historically. Our Russian state took shape from the outset out of several centers. The first capital, by history, was in the area of the city of Novgorod, in the northwest. Then from there statehood "flowed across" to the city of Veliky Novgorod, and a little later to Kiev. And this was Ancient Rus. And from then on Kiev was called "the mother of Russian cities." Then history unfolded in such a way that the ancient Russian state was partitioned; part of this once single ancient Russian state began to develop with its center in Moscow, and part fell to other countries. For example this part, where Kiev is, and some other lands — these parts first fell in together and formed a state with Lithuania, then united with Poland, and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth arose. And thus this part of the ancient Russian state found itself in Poland, and in the seventeenth century asked to return, to Russia. |
| Г.Мохан: Господин Президент, Вы упоминаете историю, и это подводит меня к тому, что я начала делать, когда начался конфликт. Я ездила в Луганск, в Донецк, в Херсон. Большинство людей действительно говорят по-русски, они говорят на русском языке. Они были очень разочарованы, что на востоке Украины Киев запретил этот язык. Но они также были шокированы: как Путин делает это с нами, мы его народ! Многие женщины, с которыми я говорила, были шокированы. Что Вы можете сказать людям на востоке Украины, у которых семьи на самом деле в России, которые на постоянной основе переезжают между Россией и Украиной? Что бы Вы им сказали? Я не понял вопроса: шокированы чем? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Mr. President, you mention history, and that brings me to what I began doing when the conflict started. I traveled to Luhansk, Donetsk and Kherson. Most people do indeed speak Russian; they speak the Russian language. They were very disappointed that Kyiv had banned that language in eastern Ukraine. But they were also shocked: how can Putin do this to us, we are his people! Many women I spoke to were shocked. What can you say to people in eastern Ukraine whose families are actually in Russia, who regularly move between Russia and Ukraine? What would you say to them? I did not understand the question: shocked by what? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: What do you make of President Zelensky? He was promised NATO, the European Union promised him the EU. But nothing really happened. Was NATO ever on the table for Ukraine? |
| Г.Мохан: Люди, с которыми я встречалась, были шокированы, что была начата операция, в ходе которой были уничтожены их дома. Они жили на востоке Украине, они всегда любили Россию, русский народ, они были сами русскоговорящие. Ответ очень простой: они жили, видимо, в той части Украины, в той части, скажем, той же самой Луганской или Донецкой области, которая находилась под контролем киевских властей. Но та часть Луганской или Донецкой области, которая не находилась под их контролем, она уничтожалась киевским режимом. И мы вынуждены были начать оказывать поддержку той части, которая заявила о своей независимости, – первое. А второе – мы предоставили людям возможность высказаться на открытом референдуме: кто считал целесообразным быть вместе с Россией, он за это проголосовал, кто нет, он мог спокойно уехать в другие части Украинского государства. Пожалуйста, мы этому не мешали никогда. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: The people I met were shocked that an operation had been launched in which their homes were destroyed. They lived in eastern Ukraine, they had always loved Russia and the Russian people, and they themselves were Russian-speaking. The answer is very simple: apparently they lived in the part of Ukraine, in the part of, say, that same Luhansk or Donetsk Region, that was under the control of the Kyiv authorities. But the part of Luhansk or Donetsk Region that was not under their control was being destroyed by the Kyiv regime. And we were forced to begin providing support to the part that had declared its independence—that is the first point. And second, we gave people the opportunity to express their views in an open referendum: those who considered it appropriate to be together with Russia voted for that; those who did not could freely leave for other parts of the Ukrainian state. They were welcome to do so; we never prevented that. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: When this gentleman came to power, he declared that he would pursue peace at all costs, using every means possible, without sparing even his career. But now we see things differently. He follows the same pattern as his predecessors – putting the interests of a narrow nationalist group, particularly radical nationalists, ahead of those of the people. Essentially, he is addressing their concerns rather than those of the nation. This regime’s mindset truly resembles a neo-Nazi regime because extreme nationalism and neo-Nazism are almost indistinguishable concepts. Today, undeniably, military action dominates their approach. However, they haven’t achieved much success here either. I have already said before that what matters most for them is realising that the best way to resolve the problems is through peaceful negotiations, and we attempted to negotiate with them back in 2022. What exactly they plan to do remains to be asked from them directly. |
| Г.Мохан: А что Вы думаете о президенте Зеленском? Ему пообещали натовское членство, [членство] в ЕС. Был на самом деле шанс на то, что Украина присоединится к НАТО? Это реальное было предложение им? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: And what do you think of President Zelensky? He was promised NATO membership and [membership] in the EU. Was there actually a chance that Ukraine would join NATO? Was that a real offer to them? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: That would be interesting to see what they have to say on that, and how this peace process goes forward. But you have always said that the eastward expansion of NATO is your real concern. Ukraine has not got this NATO membership as of now. My question to you – is NATO expansion a real threat or just a pretext for what you think is a part of Ukraine which is probably you want control over? Or you think that injustice is being done, the Russian language is being banned – these are the real issues? |
| В.Путин: Когда этот господин приходил к власти, он заявил, что будет стремиться любой ценой, любым способом к миру и не пожалеет для этого ничего, в том числе своей карьеры. Но, как видим, теперь всё смотрится совсем по-другому. Он, как и его предшественники, начал руководствоваться не интересами народа, а интересами узкой группы националистов, причём радикально настроенных националистов, и, по сути дела, решает их задачи. Этот режим по своей ментальности действительно очень похож на неонацистский режим, потому что крайняя форма национализма и неонацизма – это почти одно и то же, это почти равные понятия. И сегодня, безусловно, всё сводится к военным действиям со стороны этого режима. Но и здесь они тоже не очень-то преуспели. Я уже говорил: самое главное для них – это осознать, что наилучший способ решения проблем – это договориться мирными средствами о том, о чём мы пытались с ними договориться ещё в 2022 году. А что они там собираются делать на самом деле, это надо у них спросить. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: When this gentleman came to power, he declared that he would strive at any cost, by any means, for peace, and would grudge nothing for it, including his own career. But, as we see, everything now looks quite different. He, like his predecessors, began to be guided not by the interests of the people but by the interests of a narrow group of nationalists, and radically minded nationalists at that, and in essence he is carrying out their tasks. This regime, in its mentality, really is very like a neo-Nazi regime, because the extreme form of nationalism and of neo-Nazism is almost one and the same thing, almost equal notions. And today, of course, everything comes down to military action on the part of this regime. But here too they have not been very successful. I have already said: the most important thing for them is to grasp that the best way of solving the problems is to agree, by peaceful means, on what we tried to agree with them about back in 2022. And what they actually intend to do there, that must be asked of them. |
| А.Кашьяп: Было бы интересно [узнать], что они думают, поэтому интересно, как будет разворачиваться этот мирный процесс. Вы сказали также, что Вы обеспокоены по-настоящему расширением НАТО на восток. Мой вопрос Вам, господин Президент, заключается в следующем: экспансия НАТО, является ли она реальной угрозой или лишь предлогом, как Вы думаете, для того чтобы установить контроль над частью Украины? Или Вы в самом деле считаете, что происходит большая несправедливость в отношении русского языка и так далее? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: It would be interesting [to know] what they think, so it is interesting to see how this peace process will unfold. You also said that you are truly concerned about NATO's eastward expansion. My question to you, Mr. President, is this: is NATO expansion a real threat, or merely a pretext, in your view, for establishing control over part of Ukraine? Or do you really believe that a great injustice is being done to the Russian language and so forth? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Was that also the basis for what happened when you decided to annex Crimea, you only seized the water port, a very important strategic port for Russia? And then Russia was no longer part of the G8. Today, the West claims, or says, that you actions in the recent past are the reason for, and I quote-unquote, the isolation of Russia. |
| 10 NATO Expansion and Broken Promises | |
| В.Путин: Послушайте, НАТО – это отдельная тема. Русский язык, русская культура, религия и даже территориальные вопросы – это очень важные вопросы, это одна тема. НАТО – другое. Здесь мы не требуем для себя ничего эксклюзивного. Во-первых, есть общие решения, согласно которым безопасность одной стороны не может быть обеспечена за счёт безопасности другой. Это такая как бы теория не очень понятная, но я её очень просто вскрою, эту теорию. Говорят, что каждое государство, в том числе Украина, имеет право само для себя выбрать способ своей защиты, способ обеспечения своей безопасности, правильно? Правильно. Мы отказываем Украине в этом? Нет. Но это не должно быть сделано за счёт безопасности России. Украина считает, что ей лучше вступить в НАТО. А мы говорим: это угрожает нашей безопасности, давайте искать какой-то способ, который обеспечит вашу безопасность, но и нам угрожать не будет. Это первое. Второе. Мы ведь ни на чём не настаиваем, ничего не требуем такого, что возникло неожиданно и упало с небес. Мы просто настаиваем на том, чтобы были исполнены данные нам обещания. Мы же это не придумали вчера. Это было обещано России, Советскому Союзу ещё в 90-е годы: ни одного дюйма на восток – было сказано публично. После этого состоялось несколько волн расширения, и добрались в конце концов до втаскивания Украины в НАТО. Это совершенно нас не просто не устраивает, это нам угрожает. Давайте не будем забывать, что НАТО – это военно-политический блок, и пятую статью там никто – по-моему, пятая статья Вашингтонского договора о создании НАТО, – никто не отменял. Это угроза для нас. С нами же никто считаться не хочет. И ещё есть одно обстоятельство. Когда Украина обретала свою независимость, – мало кто вспоминает об этом – первый документ о независимости это что, какой документ? Декларация о суверенитете, о независимости Украины. И это база украинской независимости, украинской современной государственности. И там написано, что Украина – это нейтральное государство. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Listen, NATO is a separate topic. The Russian language, Russian culture, religion, and even territorial questions are very important questions; that is one topic. NATO is another. Here we demand nothing exclusive for ourselves. First, there are common decisions according to which the security of one side cannot be ensured at the expense of the security of the other. This is a theory that is, as it were, not very clear, but I will lay this theory open very simply. They say that every state, including Ukraine, has the right to choose for itself the means of its defense, the means of ensuring its security, correct? Correct. Do we deny Ukraine this? No. But this must not be done at the expense of Russia's security. Ukraine considers that it would be better for it to join NATO. And we say: this threatens our security; let us seek some means that will ensure your security but will not threaten us either. That is the first thing. The second. We are not insisting on anything, not demanding anything of the kind that arose unexpectedly and fell from the heavens. We simply insist that the promises given to us be fulfilled. We did not invent this yesterday. This was promised to Russia, to the Soviet Union, back in the 90s: not one inch to the east — it was said publicly. After that several waves of expansion took place, and in the end they got as far as dragging Ukraine into NATO. This does not simply fail to suit us; it threatens us. Let us not forget that NATO is a military-political bloc, and the fifth article there — no one, I think, the fifth article of the Washington Treaty on the creation of NATO — no one has repealed it. This is a threat to us. And no one wants to reckon with us. And there is one more circumstance. When Ukraine was gaining its independence — few people recall this — the first document on independence, what is it, which document? The Declaration on the Sovereignty, on the Independence of Ukraine. And this is the base of Ukrainian independence, of Ukrainian modern statehood. And it is written there that Ukraine is a neutral state. |
| Г.Мохан: А было ли это основой для того, что произошло, когда вы решили аннексировать Крым? У вас было желание получить важный порт на Чёрном море и потому что Запад пытался изолировать Россию, как об этом много раз говорилось? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: And was this the basis for what happened when you decided to annex Crimea? Did you want to obtain an important port on the Black Sea, and because the West was trying to isolate Russia, as has been said many times? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: One brief question before we move on to the other part. Dou you want to go back to being a part of the G8, because there are a lot of reports on that. Is that something Russia is looking at? |
| 11 Crimea — "We Did Not Annex It" | |
| В.Путин: Нам не нужно было получать этот важный порт в Крыму, потому что он был наш. Наш Военно-Морской Флот по договору с Украиной уже находился в военном порту в Севастополе, это по факту. После развала Советского Союза флот наш там всё равно остался. Дело совершенно не в этом, хотя это важно, но дело не в этом. И мы не аннексировали Крым, я хочу это подчеркнуть, а мы пришли только на помощь людям, которые не хотели свою жизнь и свою судьбу связать с теми людьми, которые учинили государственный переворот на Украине. Они сказали: «Ага, националисты в Киеве совершили госпереворот. Нас кто-то спросил об этом? Да, мы оказались в составе независимой Украины после развала Советского Союза. Да, так исторически сложилось. Ну хорошо, ладно, теперь будем так жить. Но мы исходим из того, что мы живём в демократическом государстве. А если здесь госперевороты случаются и с неизвестными последствиями, то мы с этим не согласны, мы не хотим так жить». И возникла угроза не просто давления, а расправы над крымчанами. Россия пришла им на помощь. А как же? А если кто-то думает иначе, что Россия будет поступать иначе, то глубоко заблуждается. Мы всегда будем защищать свои интересы и своих людей. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: We did not need to obtain this important port in Crimea, because it was ours. Our Navy, under a treaty with Ukraine, was already in the military port in Sevastopol; that is the fact. After the breakup of the Soviet Union our fleet remained there all the same. The point is not this at all, although it is important, but the point is not this. And we did not annex Crimea — I want to stress this — we came only to the help of people who did not want to bind their life and their fate to those people who carried out a coup d'état in Ukraine. They said: "Aha, the nationalists in Kiev have carried out a coup. Did anyone ask us about this? Yes, we found ourselves part of an independent Ukraine after the breakup of the Soviet Union. Yes, that is how history turned out. Well, all right, now we will live this way. But we proceed from the view that we live in a democratic state. And if coups happen here, with unknown consequences, then we do not agree to this; we do not want to live this way." And there arose a threat not simply of pressure but of reprisals against the people of Crimea. Russia came to their help. How else? And if someone thinks otherwise, that Russia will act otherwise, he is deeply mistaken. We will always defend our interests and our people. |
| Г.Мохан: Если позволите, задам короткий вопрос, прежде чем перейдём к следующему: вы хотите вновь стать частью «Группы восьми», потому что об этом много сейчас говорят? Россия стремится к восстановлению своего членства в «Группе восьми»? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: If you will allow me, I will ask a short question before we move on to the next one: do you want to become part of the Group of Eight again, because there is a lot of talk about this now? Is Russia seeking to restore its membership in the Group of Eight? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Interesting answer. You are clear about that? |
| В.Путин: Нет. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: No. |
| А.Кашьяп: Интересный ответ. Вы абсолютно однозначны? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: An interesting answer. Are you absolutely unequivocal? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: You informed them during this meeting? |
| 13 The G8/G7 and a Shifting World Order | |
| В.Путин: Да. Дело вот в чём. Дело в том, что ведь я когда-то – так случилось, я сейчас не буду вдаваться в детали – сам перестал туда ездить практически. Это первое. Второе. Я уже говорил: не очень понятно, почему страны, входящие в G7, – почему они называют себя G7? Что там большого-то? Экономика Индии по паритету покупательной способности занимает третье место в мире. А где такие страны, как Великобритания, по паритету покупательной способности? Какое, десятое [место] они уже сейчас занимают или какое? Конечно, это страны с высокотехнологичной экономикой, мощная основа существует, никуда она не делась, хотя их доля в мировой экономике год от года постоянно сокращается, как шагреневая кожа. Это очевидный факт, это мы все видим. Тенденция такая, какая она есть. Она будет продолжаться, судя по всему, во всяком случае, из-за той совершенно, так скажем аккуратненько, на мой взгляд, ошибочной политики экономической, которую проводят многие власти этих стран. Рецессия в Германии очевидна, третий год подряд, во Франции сложное положение, на грани рецессии тоже, в других европейских ведущих странах. Тем не менее это важная площадка, они работают там, что-то между собой решают, обсуждают, и дай бог здоровья. Это дело хорошее. Но я повторю ещё раз: я в какой-то момент просто перестал туда ездить. И это было не связано с событиями на Украине. Это было связано с другими событиями, я сейчас не буду вдаваться в детали. Кстати говоря, мы проинформировали американских наших партнёров об этом. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Yes. The point is this. The point is that at one time — it so happened, I will not go into the details now — I myself practically stopped going there. That is the first thing. The second. I have already said: it is not very clear why the countries that belong to the G7 — why they call themselves the G7. What is so great about it? India's economy, by purchasing-power parity, holds third place in the world. And where are countries such as Great Britain, by purchasing-power parity? Which is it, do they already hold tenth [place] now, or which? Of course these are countries with a high-technology economy; a powerful base exists, it has not gone anywhere, although their share in the world economy shrinks constantly from year to year, like shagreen. This is an obvious fact; we all see it. The tendency is what it is. It will continue, by all appearances, in any case because of that economic policy — let us put it carefully — which in my view is mistaken, and which many of the authorities of these countries are conducting. The recession in Germany is obvious, for the third year running; in France the situation is difficult, also on the verge of recession, and in the other leading European countries. Nevertheless this is an important platform; they work there, settle something among themselves, discuss things, and God grant them health. That is a good thing. But I will repeat once more: at a certain moment I simply stopped going there. And this was not connected with the events in Ukraine. It was connected with other events; I will not go into the details now. By the way, we informed our American partners of this. |
| Г.Мохан: Господин Президент, на этой встрече Вы им сказали об этом? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Mr. President, did you tell them this at that meeting? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: With Mr Witkoff? |
| В.Путин: Да, и на этой тоже. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Yes, and on this one too. |
| А.Кашьяп: На встрече с господином Уиткоффом? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: At the meeting with Mr. Witkoff? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: That's a very important aspect… |
| В.Путин: Да, мы затронули эту тему тоже. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Yes, we touched on this theme too. |
| А.Кашьяп: Это очень важный аспект. |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: This is a very important aspect. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: So, coming back to…No, I just wanted to put it in perspective before we go ahead. So, you are just telling us that in your recent meeting with Mr Witkoff it was offered to you that you could make it back to G8 and you categorically said that you are not interested? |
| В.Путин: Вы так думаете? Я не думаю, что это так важно. Но если Вы так полагаете, хорошо. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You think so? I do not think this is that important. But if that is what you believe, all right. |
| А.Кашьяп: Господин Президент, я просто хочу поместить это в контекст прежде, чем продолжим. Вы говорите о том, что на последней встрече с господином Уиткоффом Вам предлагалось вернуться в «Группу восьми», и Вы категорично заявили о том, что не заинтересованы в этом? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Mr. President, I just want to put this in context before we continue. Are you saying that, at your last meeting with Mr. Witkoff, you were offered a return to the Group of Eight, and you stated categorically that you were not interested? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: You said that countries like India whose gross trade is far exceeding a lot of European countries need to just calm down and understand some things. The other thing you say is that organisations like probably G7 are losing their relevance and what would I do if they don’t want to talk to me. But the third thing you mentioned was BRICS, and so there is my question to you: is there a new world order falling in place, because you are not going to G7, but you just visited China, and you are about to visit India. Russia, India, China. RIC. BRICS. SCO. Global South. What do you see as a new power centre in the multi-polar world? |
| В.Путин: Нет, просто возникла эта тема сама по себе. Я объяснил господину Уиткоффу, почему я в своё время перестал посещать эти мероприятия. Не звучало как предложение, как вопрос, нет, такого не было, просто мы затронули эту тему. Я вспомнил о том моменте, когда я перестал туда ездить, это было в 2012 году после выборов, президентских выборов в Российской Федерации. Потом, по-моему, там появлялся, потом опять нет. Ну не важно. Это площадка, пускай она работает, дай бог. Но складываются другие крупные международные объединения – ШОС, БРИКС. Продолжает функционировать и «двадцатка». Мы везде принимаем участие, мы абсолютно без всякой конфронтации ко всему этому относимся. Но есть ещё один аспект. Смотрите, у нас какие отношения сейчас у России с европейскими странами? Мы видим, они явно ненормальные. Ну как это представить себе? Я приеду на эту «восьмёрку» и как я буду разговаривать с членами этой «восьмёрки», если они не хотят со мной разговаривать? Ну и что мне там тогда делать? Ну хотят – пожалуйста, мы ещё поговорим на эту тему. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: No, the subject simply arose of itself. I explained to Mr. Witkoff why I at one time stopped attending these events. It did not sound as a proposal or as a question; no, there was nothing of that kind; we simply touched on the subject. I recalled the moment when I stopped going there; that was in 2012, after the elections, the presidential elections in the Russian Federation. Then, in my view, I appeared there, and then again not. Well, it does not matter. It is a venue; let it work, God grant. But other large international associations are taking shape: the SCO, BRICS. The Twenty goes on functioning too. We take part everywhere; we treat all of this with no confrontation whatever. But there is one further aspect. Look: what sort of relations does Russia have now with the European countries? We see that they are plainly not normal. Well, how is one to picture it? I arrive at this Eight, and how am I to talk with the members of this Eight if they do not want to talk to me? Well, what am I to do there then? Well, if they wish it, by all means; we will talk further on this subject. |
| А.Кашьяп: Вы заметили несколько важных моментов. Во-первых, рассказали о том, что индийская экономика растёт быстрее, чем многие другие экономики. Помимо этого Вы заверили, что такие организации, как «Группа семи», теряют свою актуальность, и что делать, если они не хотят со мной говорить? Помимо этого Вы упомянули БРИКС. Мой следующий вопрос Вам, господин Президент. Сейчас формируется ли новый мировой порядок? Вы только что были в КНР, Вы собираетесь с визитом в Индию. Россия, КНР, Индия, РИК, БРИКС, ШОС, страны Глобального Юга. Какими Вам представляются новые центры силы в многополярном мире? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: You noted several important points. First, you said that the Indian economy is growing faster than many other economies. In addition, you asserted that organizations such as the Group of Seven are losing their relevance, and what can be done if they do not want to talk to me? You also mentioned BRICS. My next question to you, Mr. President: is a new world order now taking shape? You were just in the People's Republic of China, and you are about to visit India. Russia, the People's Republic of China, India, RIC, BRICS, the SCO, the countries of the Global South. How do you envisage the new centers of power in a multipolar world? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Actually this picture ruffled a lot of feathers across the world. Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi. Three nation heads together. And people were going all over social media and America. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified | Geeta Mohan: But even if you’d look at that picture, how do you have these alternative blocs and how can they become a real force, if there are fundamental unresolved issues between key member states in that bloc? |
| В.Путин: Вы спросили, меняется ли мир, формируется ли новый порядок? Мир меняется постоянно – всё течёт, всё меняется постоянно. Скорость изменения, она разная, а так мир же постоянно меняется. Сейчас скорость изменений, она, конечно, очень большая, очень высокая. Мы это видим, чувствуем, я уже сказал. И прежде всего происходят глобальные процессы экономического характера. Они не связаны с событиями на Украине или где-то в других точках горячих, они просто в целом, по целому ряду… Мы сейчас можем говорить об этом целый час, и я с удовольствием с вами поговорю, но ваши зрители будут утомлены нашими рассуждениями на этот счёт. А факт остаётся фактом – формируются новые центры развития, быстрого, сильного развития. Это страны Глобального Юга, это Южная Азия, Индия, и не только Индия, Индонезия поднимается как быстро! Там почти 300 миллионов человек. Конечно, не полтора миллиарда, как у вас, но всё-таки это быстрорастущие страны, повторяю ещё раз. Африка как будет развиваться? Уже развивается быстро, а будет ещё быстрее. Молодое население очень, за этими людьми будущее. Они все будут стремиться к достижению более высокого уровня жизни. Это просто неизбежно. Темпы изменений в мировой экономике будут только нарастать. И кстати говоря, нам всё время указывают на то, что в последнее время Россия перенастраивает свои отношения с Глобальным Югом, с Азией. Ничего подобного, мы делаем это давно, с начала 2000-х годов. Вы знаете, эта картинка: Россия, Китай и Индия – Владимир Путин, Си Цзиньпин, Нарендра Моди. Многие были недовольны этой картинкой в Штатах, в социальных сетях. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You asked whether the world is changing, whether a new order is taking shape. The world changes constantly — everything flows, everything changes constantly. The speed of change varies, but the world does change constantly. Now the speed of change is, of course, very great, very high. We see this, we feel it, I have already said so. And above all, global processes of an economic character are taking place. They are not connected with the events in Ukraine or at other hot spots; they are simply on the whole, across a whole series of… We could talk of this now for a whole hour, and I would gladly talk with you, but your viewers would be wearied by our reasoning on this score. But the fact remains a fact — new centers of development are taking shape, of rapid, strong development. These are the countries of the Global South, this is South Asia, India, and not only India; Indonesia is rising so fast! There are almost 300 million people there. Of course not one and a half billion, as with you, but all the same these are fast-growing countries, I repeat once more. How will Africa develop? It is already developing quickly, and it will be still faster. A very young population; the future belongs to these people. They will all strive to attain a higher standard of living. This is simply inevitable. The pace of change in the world economy will only increase. And by the way, people are always pointing out to us that of late Russia has been retuning its relations with the Global South, with Asia. Nothing of the kind; we have been doing this for a long time, since the beginning of the 2000s. You know that picture: Russia, China, and India — Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, Narendra Modi. Many people were displeased with that picture in the States, on social networks. |
| Г.Мохан: Но если посмотрите на эту картинку, посмотрим на эти альтернативные блоки: каким образом они могут приобрести истинную силу, если есть неразрешённые конфликты, проблемы между ключевыми участниками этих объединений? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: But if you look at this picture, let us look at these alternative blocs: how can they acquire real strength if there are unresolved conflicts and problems between key members of these groupings? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: That’s an important answer. But are there alternatives? Because the biggest thing when you have these blocs is how do you make it economically viable. Are we looking at alternative payment systems? Is there going to be a BRICS currency? Or are we looking at alternative payments in terms of national currencies, rupee or ruble? Moving towards de-dollarisation basically. |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, конфликты всегда есть. А когда их не было? Давайте возьмём предысторию развития основных центров в мире, основных регионов мира. Куда, в какой бы период времени пальцем бы мы ни ткнули, всегда там есть какие-то конфликты. Вопрос в другом – вопрос в поиске решений этих конфликтов, в поиске способов наиболее эффективных этих решений. У нас в этих крупных объединениях, таких как БРИКС, например, или Шанхайская организация сотрудничества, есть общее понимание того, что нас объединяют действительно ценности, связанные с нашими традиционными ценностями, на базе которых существуют наши цивилизации уже сотни, а может быть, тысячи лет, как, например, индийская цивилизация. И мы, опираясь на эту базу, доставшуюся нам из прошлого, стараемся идти вперёд, объединяя наши усилия, а не используя механизмы подавления этих возможностей. А когда начинаешь объединять усилия, тогда общий результат синергетический получается неожиданно хорошим, неожиданно высоким. Вот над этим мы как раз и думаем в этих объединениях. Ни разу не было, чтобы мы собрались для того, чтобы подумать, как кого-то обхитрить, объегорить или кому-то помешать развиваться. Вот ни разу такого не было! У нас всегда только позитивная повестка дня. На мой взгляд, это важно. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, there are always conflicts. And when were there not? Let us take the prehistory of the development of the main centers in the world, the main regions of the world. Wherever, in whatever period of time, we might poke a finger, there are always some conflicts there. The question is a different one — the question of seeking solutions to these conflicts, of seeking the most effective ways of these solutions. In these large associations of ours, such as BRICS, for example, or the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, we have a common understanding that what unites us really is values connected with our traditional values, on the basis of which our civilizations have existed for hundreds, and perhaps thousands, of years, as, for example, Indian civilization. And we, relying on this base that has come down to us from the past, try to go forward, joining our efforts, and not using mechanisms for suppressing these possibilities. And when one begins to join efforts, then the common synergetic result turns out unexpectedly good, unexpectedly high. This is precisely what we think about in these associations. Not once has it happened that we gathered in order to think how to outwit someone, to cheat someone, or to hinder someone's development. Not once has there been anything of the kind! We always have only a positive agenda. In my view, this is important. |
| Г.Мохан: Хорошо. Да, это важный ответ. Но есть ли какие-то альтернативы с этими крупными блоками? Важно сделать их жизнеспособными экономически. Есть ли какие-то альтернативные платёжные системы, будет ли валюта БРИКС или вы изучаете альтернативные методы расчётов на основе национальных валют, для того чтобы снизить зависимость от доллара? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: All right. Yes, that is an important answer. But are there any alternatives with these large blocs? It is important to make them economically viable. Are there any alternative payment systems, will there be a BRICS currency, or are you studying alternative settlement methods based on national currencies in order to reduce dependence on the dollar? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Rupee and ruble payment then? |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, никуда не надо спешить – спеши медленно, и тогда не будешь совершать каких-то грубых ошибок. Вот мы говорили про Европу: они создали систему евро и втащили туда некоторые страны, которые экономически не были готовы к тому, чтобы привязаться к одной сильной валюте. И у них возникли проблемы с регулированием ряда вопросов социальной сферы. Там же немножко инфляцией не поиграешь, правда? Там привязка к одной твёрдой валюте. Возникают проблемы в социальной сфере, возникают проблемы с бюджетом. У нас нет сейчас такой цели, скажем, в рамках БРИКС – создание единой валюты. Это процесс спокойный, к этому надо идти. Надо расширять возможности использования национальных валют, об этом вы сказали. Надо использовать больше и шире возможности Нового банка развития БРИКС. Мы, например, предлагаем создать новую инвестиционную платформу с использованием электронных расчётов – с минимальным капиталом в 100 миллиардов долларов для начала, – для того чтобы создать условия для совместных инвестиций и в нашей экономике, и в экономике развивающегося Глобального Юга. И полагаю, что это может быть очень интересно, потому что это вложения, которые могут помогать и развитию стран – реципиентов этих инвестиций, и нам могли бы помогать, потому что мы вместе с этими странами производили бы хорошего уровня, качества продукцию по приемлемым ценам, что способствовало бы и развитию стран Юга, и нашему развитию. И инструментов таких расчётов может быть всё больше и больше. Современные средства, электронные деньги, современные средства электронных платежей существуют и очень быстрыми темпами развиваются. И эта работа не против кого-то, совсем нет, это просто совершенствование тех инструментов, которые и так в мире существуют, вот и всё. Они же есть. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, one must not hurry anywhere — make haste slowly, and then you will not commit any gross mistakes. We were speaking of Europe: they created the euro system and dragged into it some countries that were not economically ready to tie themselves to one strong currency. And they had problems regulating a number of questions in the social sphere. You cannot play a little with inflation there, can you? There is a tie to one hard currency. Problems arise in the social sphere; problems arise with the budget. We do not now have such an aim, say, within the framework of BRICS — the creation of a single currency. This is a calm process; one must move toward it. One must expand the possibilities of using national currencies; you spoke of this. One must use more widely the possibilities of the New Development Bank of BRICS. We, for example, propose creating a new investment platform using electronic settlements — with a minimum capital of 100 billion dollars to begin with — in order to create conditions for joint investment both in our economy and in the economy of the developing Global South. And I suppose this may be very interesting, because these are investments that could help both the development of the countries that are recipients of these investments, and could help us, because together with these countries we would produce products of a good level and quality at acceptable prices, which would contribute both to the development of the countries of the South and to our development. And there can be more and more such instruments of settlement. Modern means, electronic money, modern means of electronic payments exist and are developing at a very rapid pace. And this work is not against anyone; not at all; it is simply the improvement of those instruments that already exist in the world, and that is all. They do exist. |
| Г.Мохан: А какие препятствия к платежам в рупиях, например? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: And what obstacles are there to payments in rupees, for example? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: My next question before we move to other issues is – how do you balance – I’m going to ask that directly – how do you balance India and China? Because it is very clear that you are keen on good relations with both these countries. How do you balance them, seeing some tensions between us. |
| В.Путин: Здесь нет препятствий. Это вопросы экономического характера. Мы прекрасно понимаем и отдаём себе отчёт в том, что у нас есть определённый дисбаланс в торговле. Но, скажем, правительство Индии не вводит ограничения в нашей взаимной торговле. Почему? Потому что оно нуждается и в нефти, и в нефтепродуктах. Правительство Индии нуждается в расширении, в увеличении приобретения российских удобрений, потому что эти удобрения крайне нужны аграриям из Индии, и Премьер Моди постоянно ставит этот вопрос: пожалуйста, прошу вас увеличить поставки, увеличить поставки. Здесь дело в другом. Дело не в рупиях, а дело в том, что на эти рупии могут закупать наши соответствующие компании. Мы думаем над этим, не только индийское правительство, но и мы. Мы согласны с тем, что этот диспаритет нужно решать, но не с помощью запретов, а с помощью поиска таких сфер деятельности, которые были бы выгодны и Индии, и нам. По нашей инициативе – это по нашей инициативе – в ходе моего визита будет развёрнута соответствующая выставка наших импортёров из Индии. Скажу вам честно, это было моё прямое указание Правительству Российской Федерации – продумать, что мы дополнительно могли бы закупать в Индии. Мы думаем над этим, причём с обеих сторон, в том числе со стороны Российской Федерации. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: There are no obstacles here. These are questions of an economic character. We understand perfectly and give ourselves an account of the fact that we have a certain imbalance in trade. But, let us say, the government of India does not introduce restrictions in our mutual trade. Why? Because it needs both oil and oil products. The government of India needs an expansion, an increase, in the purchase of Russian fertilizers, because these fertilizers are extremely needed by the farmers of India, and Prime Minister Modi constantly puts this question: please, I ask you to increase the supplies, to increase the supplies. The point here is a different one. The point is not in the rupees; the point is that our corresponding companies can buy things with these rupees. We are thinking about this, not only the Indian government but we too. We agree that this disparity must be resolved, but not by means of bans, but by means of seeking spheres of activity that would be advantageous both to India and to us. On our initiative — this is on our initiative — during my visit a corresponding exhibition of our importers from India will be set up. I will tell you honestly: this was my direct instruction to the Government of the Russian Federation, to think what more we could buy in India. We are thinking about this, and from both sides, including from the side of the Russian Federation. |
| А.Кашьяп: Это удивительный ход по пути вперёд. Следующий вопрос, прежде чем мы перейдём к большой следующей теме. Я спрошу напрямую: как вы находите баланс между Индией и Китаем? Потому что совершенно очевидно, что вы хотите иметь хорошие отношения с обеими этими странами. Как вы находите баланс? Хотя есть некоторая напряжённость между нами. |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: That is a remarkable step forward. The next question, before we move on to the next major topic. I will ask directly: how do you strike a balance between India and China? Because it is quite clear that you want to have good relations with both countries. How do you strike that balance? Although there is some tension between us. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: The next important issue with regard to India is terrorism. We faced two major terrorist attacks, one in Pahalgam and then one in Delhi. My question to you is that we see a dual ideology on terror in the world from different countries. What is the solution in your eyes? Because Russia also faces terrorism, India faces it. What in your eyes is the solution to your terrorist – my – freedom – fighter ideology? |
| 14 India–China Balance | |
| В.Путин: Нам об этом хорошо известно. Индия и Китай – наши самые близкие друзья, мы этим очень дорожим, и мы не считаем себя вправе вмешиваться в двусторонние отношения между Индией и Китаем. Но я знаю: и Премьер Моди, и Председатель КНР Си Цзиньпин стремятся и находят решение всех, даже очень сложных, межгосударственных вопросов. Я знаю об этом, мне и Премьер Моди об этом говорит, и Председатель Си Цзиньпин: и один, и другой лидер обеспокоены каким-то растущим напряжением и прикладывают максимум усилий – максимум, я это вижу, я это знаю просто, – для того чтобы найти решение всем этим вопросам. И главное, им удаётся это сделать благодаря их мудрости, и мы этому очень рады, но не считаем себя вправе как-то туда вмешиваться, это двусторонние отношения. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: This is well known to us. India and China are our closest friends; we value this very much, and we do not consider ourselves entitled to intervene in the bilateral relations between India and China. But I know that both Prime Minister Modi and PRC Chairman Xi Jinping seek, and find, a solution to all interstate questions, even very difficult ones. I know this; both Prime Minister Modi tells me this, and Chairman Xi Jinping: both leaders are concerned about a certain growing tension and are making the maximum effort — the maximum; I see this, I simply know it — in order to find a solution to all these questions. And the main thing is that they succeed in doing this thanks to their wisdom, and we are very glad of it, but we do not consider ourselves entitled to intervene there in any way; these are bilateral relations. |
| А.Кашьяп: Следующий важный вопрос, связанный с Индией, – это терроризм. Мы столкнулись с двумя серьёзными террористическими атаками – в Дели и в Пахалгаме. Вопрос такой. Мы видим двойную идеологию по поводу терроризма в мире со стороны разных стран. Каково решение, как Вы считаете, потому что Россия тоже сталкивалась с терроризмом, и в Индии это проблема. Как Вы считаете, каково решение: кто-то говорит, что это террорист, а кто-то, что это борец за свободу, – как разделить их? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: The next important issue concerning India is terrorism. We have faced two serious terrorist attacks—in Delhi and Pahalgam. Here is the question. We see a dual ideology on terrorism around the world on the part of different countries. What is the solution, in your view, because Russia has also faced terrorism, and it is a problem in India? What do you think the solution is: some say this person is a terrorist, while others say he is a freedom fighter—how do we distinguish between them? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: But there’s another country in the neighbourhood, very important – important to Russia, important to India: Afghanistan. You are a very rare country to have recognised the Taliban regime. What really made you look at that as a strategic interest – to recognize the Taliban at the time, when the world is still saying “they have not given equal rights to women,” when there are still a lot of issues with Afghanistan actually becoming a country that holds women and men equally. And there are many other human rights issues there. |
| 15 Terrorism and Afghanistan | |
| В.Путин: Всё очень просто. За свободу надо бороться легальными средствами. Всё, что связано с бандитскими средствами, с нанесением ущерба людям, не может быть поддержано. Для нас это вопрос, решённый давно. Как Вы правильно заметили, Россия неоднократно сталкивалась на протяжении периода своей новейшей истории с проявлениями жесточайших актов террора. И здесь с Индией мы полные союзники и целиком и полностью поддерживаем Индию в борьбе с терроризмом. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: It is all very simple. Freedom must be fought for by legal means. Everything connected with bandit methods, with inflicting harm on people, cannot be supported. For us this is a question settled long ago. As you rightly noted, over the period of its recent history Russia has repeatedly encountered manifestations of the most brutal acts of terror. And here we are full allies of India and wholly and completely support India in the fight against terrorism. |
| Г.Мохан: Понятно. Но есть ещё одна страна в этом регионе, очень важная для России и для Индии, – это Афганистан. Вы одна из немногих стран, которая признала новый режим. Что заставило вас по-настоящему посмотреть на это как на стратегический интерес, признать на тот момент «Талибан»? Хотя говорят, что [там] женщинам не даны равные права, и до сих пор остаются вопросы, проблемы с Афганистаном – что он станет страной, которая признает равенство между мужчинами и женщинами. И есть другие вопросы [прав человека] также. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: I see. But there is another country in this region that is very important for Russia and India: Afghanistan. You are one of the few countries that recognized the new regime. What made you truly view this as a strategic interest, recognizing the Taliban at that point? Although it is said that women [there] are not given equal rights, and there are still questions and problems concerning Afghanistan—whether it will become a country that recognizes equality between men and women. And there are other [human rights] issues as well. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Afghanistan’s Taliban minister Muttaqi was in India, and we weren’t allowed – women weren’t allowed to attend the press conference, and we fought back, and then he had to hold a press conference with women as part of that entire violation. Isn’t it interesting? I was just sharing it with you. |
| В.Путин: В каждой стране достаточно проблем. И в Афганистане, наверное, тоже, имея в виду и то обстоятельство, что уже десятилетиями эта страна находится в состоянии гражданской войны. И это просто ужасно. Но «Талибан» контролирует ситуацию в Афганистане, это очевидно. Это первое. И это просто реалии, с которыми нужно считаться. Второе. Всё-таки правительство Афганистана многое делает для того, чтобы бороться с тем же самым терроризмом, с террористическими организациями, например, с тем же «Исламским государством», с некоторыми другими формированиями подобного рода. Это нам тоже хорошо известно. Руководство Афганистана в несколько раз сократило посевы опия в стране и предпринимает активные шаги по сокращению наркоугрозы с территории Афганистана. Есть и некоторые другие обстоятельства. И главное из них заключается в том, что для того, чтобы как-то влиять на происходящий процесс, нужно быть в контакте, нужно работать – чем мы и занимаемся. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Every country has problems enough. And Afghanistan too, probably, bearing in mind also that for decades this country has been in a state of civil war. And that is simply terrible. But the Taliban controls the situation in Afghanistan; that is obvious. That is the first point. And these are simply realities one must reckon with. The second. All the same, the government of Afghanistan is doing a great deal to fight that same terrorism, terrorist organizations, for example that same Islamic State, and certain other formations of a similar kind. This is well known to us too. The leadership of Afghanistan has cut the cultivation of opium in the country several times over and is taking active steps to reduce the drug threat from the territory of Afghanistan. There are certain other circumstances too. And the chief of them is that, in order to influence the process under way in any way, one must be in contact, one must work — which is what we are doing. |
| Г.Мохан: Министр иностранных дел Афганистана приезжал в Индию, и женщинам не позволили поучаствовать в пресс-конференции. Мы попытались дать отпор, ему пришлось провести пресс-конференцию с женщинами как часть того визита. Интересно, так ведь? Как Вам такое? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: The Afghan foreign minister visited India, and women were not allowed to take part in the press conference. We tried to push back, and he had to hold a press conference with women as part of that visit. Interesting, isn't it? What do you think of that? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: The other flash point is Gaza. And it is now being known that you, Sir, Vladimir Putin, have a new peace plan for Gaza. Trump also has one. What is your Gaza peace plan? What do you propose, Sir? |
| В.Путин: Вот смотрите, если бы он не приехал, вы бы не смогли повлиять на эти процессы. А так у вас есть контакты, министр приехал, вы соответствующим образом отреагировали на то, что вы видели своими глазами, то, что происходит. И это мало, много? Но это всё-таки влияние на ситуацию, ваших партнёров. А теперь представим, что нет никаких контактов. И что? Всё там как было, так и есть. И никто – в данном случае вы – не повлиял, не выразил как-то своего отношения к этому. А так у вас такая возможность есть. Контакты лучше, чем отсутствие контактов. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Look, if he had not come, you would not have been able to influence these processes. As it is, you have contacts, the minister came, and you reacted in the appropriate way to what you saw with your own eyes, to what is happening. And is this little, or much? But it is influence on the situation all the same, on your partners. Now imagine that there are no contacts at all. And then what? Everything there is as it was. And no one — in this case you — has influenced it, or expressed his attitude to it in any way. As it is, you have that possibility. Contacts are better than the absence of contacts. |
| А.Кашьяп: Как Вы говорите, требовать изменений – это очень важно. Ещё одна взрывная точка – это Газа. Сейчас мы знаем, что Вы, господин Президент Путин, представляете новый мирный план для Газы. У Трампа тоже есть план. Каков Ваш мирный план для Газы? Что Вы предлагаете? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: As you say, demanding changes is very important. Another flashpoint is Gaza. We now know that you, President Putin, are presenting a new peace plan for Gaza. Trump has a plan too. What is your peace plan for Gaza? What do you propose? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: The other important issue when you talk about Israel and Gaza that Anjana just did is the fact that the Arab world when it comes to the issue of Gaza and Palestine did not do as much as your ally, your friend Iran did. How do you look at this entire scenario? Well, this is a changed world order. We never thought that Iran would fight back for Palestinians more than the Arab world. |
| 16 Gaza and Palestinian Statehood | |
| В.Путин: Мы не предлагаем какого-то особого плана. Мы всегда исходили из того, что, для того чтобы решить проблему Палестины, необходимо реализовать решения, принятые и принимавшиеся на протяжении многих лет Организацией Объединённых Наций. И главное из них – это создание независимого палестинского государства. В этом ключ к решению всех проблем. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: We are not proposing any special plan. We have always proceeded from the view that, in order to solve the problem of Palestine, it is necessary to carry out the decisions that have been adopted, and were being adopted, over many years by the United Nations. And the chief of them is the creation of an independent Palestinian state. That is the key to solving all the problems. |
| Г.Мохан: Понятно. Ещё один важный вопрос. Когда Вы говорите про Израиль и Газу, как только что упомянула моя коллега, – тот факт, что остальной мир не делал так много, как ваш союзник Иран. Как Вы смотрите на этот сценарий? Действительно, изменился миропорядок. Мы никогда не думали, что Иран будет бороться за палестинцев больше, чем арабский мир. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: I see. Another important question. When you talk about Israel and Gaza, as my colleague just mentioned—the fact that the rest of the world did not do as much as your ally Iran. How do you view this scenario? The world order has indeed changed. We never thought that Iran would fight for the Palestinians more than the Arab world would. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Well. President Putin, we have discussed a lot of geopolitics, we’ve stick to it for a while. Let’s talk about your journey. You are a man from the intelligence community. How would you rate intelligence agencies today? Which one, do you think, is the best? I am sure you will say Russia but I am still saying, which one is the second best then? And how does the CIA fair? |
| В.Путин: Каждая из этих стран по-своему болеет, переживает за Палестину, за палестинский народ. И каждая из этих стран пытается внести свой вклад в урегулирование ситуации. Что-то из этого лежит на поверхности и видно, что-то остаётся в тени. Но это не значит, что никто ничего не делает. Это сложный вопрос, повторяю, десятилетиями не могли его решить. Поэтому решить одним щелчком за несколько месяцев это невозможно. Но стремиться надо именно к этому – к созданию палестинского государства. Сейчас то, что было сделано, сделано было Президентом Трампом, конечно, прежде всего: возвратили заложников израильских, и ХАМАС пошёл на этот шаг, – мне кажется, что это, откровенно говоря, вообще самое важное, что было сделано в процессе последних шагов по урегулированию в Газе. И, на мой взгляд, было бы, вообще-то, правильнее потом подумать над таким способом организации власти, чтобы передать всю власть именно палестинцам. Такие варианты есть, такие варианты обсуждаются и арабскими странами, и соседями, и не только, и в Штатах обсуждаются, я знаю. В рамках Организации Объединённых Наций мы всегда были участниками этого процесса. И продолжим эту работу вместе с нашими друзьями. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Each of these countries in its own way feels the pain and worries for Palestine, for the Palestinian people. And each of these countries tries to make its contribution to settling the situation. Some of this lies on the surface and is visible; some remains in the shade. But that does not mean that no one is doing anything. This is a difficult question; I repeat, for decades they could not solve it. So to solve it with one snap of the fingers in a few months is impossible. But one must strive precisely for this — for the creation of a Palestinian state. What has now been done was done by President Trump, of course, above all: the Israeli hostages were returned, and Hamas took this step — it seems to me that this, frankly, is in general the most important thing that has been done in the course of the latest steps toward a settlement in Gaza. And in my view it would in general have been more correct afterward to think about a way of organizing authority so as to hand all power precisely to the Palestinians. Such variants exist; such variants are discussed both by the Arab countries and by the neighbors, and not only by them, and they are discussed in the States; I know this. Within the United Nations we have always been participants in this process. And we will continue this work together with our friends. |
| Г.Мохан: Понятно. Президент Путин, мы обсуждали геополитику, пока остановимся на этом. Давайте поговорим о Вашем «путешествии», так сказать, о Вашей «дороге». Вы были частью разведывательного сообщества. Как Вы думаете, какой бы Вы составили рейтинг разведок? Какая самая лучшая разведка? Я знаю, Вы скажете, российская. И на какой ступеньке стоит ЦРУ? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: I see. President Putin, we have discussed geopolitics; let us leave it there for now. Let us talk about your “journey,” so to speak, your “path.” You were part of the intelligence community. How do you think you would rank the intelligence services? Which intelligence service is the best? I know you will say the Russian one. And where does the CIA rank? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Fair enough. So we would like to because this is a rare opportunity we get to interact with you. We want to understand what shaped Vladimir Putin and as we peep into your early years, we’ve read a little about your KGB days when you were working in Germany and then you moved on to Saint Petersburg and then Moscow, you worked with Mr. Yeltsin. What actually shaped the man you are today, the leader you are today? Which what it is? |
| 17 Intelligence Services | |
| В.Путин: Есть несколько мощных разведывательных служб в мире. Это и ЦРУ, это наша советская, российская разведка. Это, как известно, очень эффективная, кстати, «Моссад», израильская разведка. Во многих странах мира есть традиция развития специальных служб. Вы знаете, мне, наверное… лучше не давать оценок эффективности работы чужих разведок. Качеством работы своей я доволен. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: There are several powerful intelligence services in the world. There is the CIA, and there is our Soviet, Russian intelligence. There is also, as is well known, a very effective one, by the way — the Mossad, Israeli intelligence. In many countries of the world there is a tradition of developing the special services. You know, it is probably better for me not to give assessments of how effective other people's intelligence services are. I am satisfied with the quality of my own work. |
| А.Кашьяп: Справедливый ответ. Это уникальная возможность, когда у нас есть возможность поговорить с Вами, и мы хотели бы понять, что сформировало Владимира Путина. Когда мы смотрели на Ваши юные годы, мы почитали про ваши годы в КГБ, когда Вы работали в Германии, потом Вы приехали в Петербург, в Москву, Вы работали с господином Ельциным. Что сформировало Вас как человека, которым Вы являетесь сегодня? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: A fair answer. This is a unique opportunity, when we have the chance to talk with you, and we would like to understand what shaped Vladimir Putin. When we looked at your younger years, we read about your years in the KGB, when you worked in Germany, then you came to St. Petersburg, to Moscow, and you worked with Mr. Yeltsin. What shaped you into the person you are today? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: I watched in your interview when I think you were interacting with schoolchildren and one of the children asked you, a girl, I think, asked you what has been the most shattering experience of your life has been. And you said the disintegration of USSR. How did that affect you? And what is your vision of Russia? |
| В.Путин: Семья, в которой я жил и в которой я родился, мои родители, окружение ближайшее. Я думаю, каждого из нас прежде всего формирует самое близкое наше окружение. И потом, конечно, всё, социальная обстановка – это коллеги, это, как Вы совершенно точно заметили, работа в органах безопасности, потому что там очень строгая дисциплина, строгая идеологическая направленность, связанная прежде всего с защитой интересов Родины, на это была направлена вся работа советской внешней разведки. И я жил в этой среде много лет. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: The family in which I lived and in which I was born, my parents, the closest circle. I think that what forms each of us first of all is our closest surroundings. And then, of course, all of it, the social setting — colleagues, and, as you noted quite rightly, work in the security organs, because the discipline there is very strict, and there is a strict ideological direction, connected above all with defending the interests of the Motherland; the whole work of Soviet foreign intelligence was aimed at that. And I lived in that milieu for many years. |
| А.Кашьяп: Я смотрела одно из Ваших интервью, и мне кажется, Вы говорили со школьниками, и один из детей задал Вам вопрос, мне кажется, девочка задала Вам вопрос: что было самым сложным опытом в Вашей жизни? Вы сказали, что распад СССР. Как это повлияло на Вас? Как Вы видите, какой Вы видите Россию? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: I watched one of your interviews, and I think you were talking with schoolchildren, and one of the children asked you a question—I think a girl asked you: what was the most difficult experience in your life? You said it was the collapse of the USSR. How did that affect you? How do you see, what kind of Russia do you see? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Would you name them? |
| 18 What Shaped Putin / Lessons of the USSR's Collapse | |
| В.Путин: Повлияло в том смысле, что мы всегда должны очень внимательно следить за каждым нашим шагом и должны понимать его последствия. Это первое. Второе – и это очень важно не только для Советского Союза бывшего, для России. К какому выводу я пришёл? Что Советский Союз в какой-то момент находился в таком состоянии, что он в лице его высших руководителей да и вообще, может быть, даже и простых граждан – исходили всегда из того, что такой огромный, такой великий, что ничего, никогда, ни при каких обстоятельствах с ним не может случиться. И в состоянии такого величия страна начинает совершать одну ошибку за другой, полагая, что ничего страшного: ну здесь ошиблись, там немножко недоработали, но мы же такие великие, это всё пройдёт, мы всё это переживём. А количество ошибок нарастает как снежный ком, и потом с этим очень трудно справляться. Так же происходит, я смотрю, и в некоторых других странах мира сегодня. Поэтому я внимательно наблюдаю… |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: It had an influence in the sense that we must always follow each step of ours very attentively and must understand its consequences. That is the first point. The second — and this is very important not only for the former Soviet Union, for Russia. What conclusion did I come to? That at a certain moment the Soviet Union was in such a condition that, in the person of its highest leaders and in general perhaps even of ordinary citizens, people always proceeded from the view that it was so huge, so great, that nothing could ever happen to it, under any circumstances. And in a state of such greatness a country begins to commit one mistake after another, supposing that nothing is wrong: well, we erred here, we fell a little short there, but we are so great, all this will pass, we will get through all of it. And the quantity of mistakes builds like a snowball, and afterward it is very hard to cope with. The same thing, as I see it, is happening in some other countries of the world today. So I watch attentively… |
| А.Кашьяп: Вы назовёте их? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Will you name them? |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Let’s return to the USSR because you talked about one mistake was rolling into another. Whom to hold responsible for the situation? I mean, you are talking about people also thought that it would probably would never happen with us. They’ll never be in disintegration but I am sure you have seen Gorbachev as you saw Yeltsin went on. Whom to hold responsible? What was the phase in which decisively USSR was disintegrating, breaking up? |
| В.Путин: Нет. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: No. |
| А.Кашьяп: Давайте вернёмся к СССР. Вы говорили, как одна ошибка за другой совершались. Кто отвечал за эту ситуацию? Вы говорите о людях, Вы говорите, что «никогда ничто не распадётся, с нами это никогда не произойдёт». Мне кажется, Вы видели довольно много разных процессов и что происходило с Ельциным. Кто, Вы считаете, был ответственен за это, кто виноват в том, что распался СССР? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Let us return to the USSR. You spoke about how one mistake after another was made. Who was responsible for that situation? You speak about people; you say that “nothing will ever fall apart; this will never happen to us.” I think you saw quite a lot of different processes and what was happening with Yeltsin. Who do you think was responsible for this, who is to blame for the collapse of the USSR? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: How are you looking at reintegration then? |
| 19 Artificial Intelligence — Blessing and Threat | |
| В.Путин: Здесь я бы не стал сейчас искать виноватых – менее, более виноватых. В целом сложилась такая система, которая оказалась нежизнеспособной. Надо это признать просто. И думать именно над этим. Не искать конкретных виноватых, а думать, как создать систему, которая не просто охранением занимается самой себя, а занимается развитием. Вот о чём надо думать. И если такая система будет создана, то она будет самодостаточная, независимая и эффективная. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Here I would not now start looking for those to blame — those less to blame and those more to blame. On the whole a system took shape that proved unable to survive. One simply has to acknowledge this. And think precisely about this. Not look for particular people to blame, but think how to create a system that does not merely occupy itself with guarding itself, but occupies itself with development. That is what one must think about. And if such a system is created, it will be self-sufficient, independent, and effective. |
| Г.Мохан: Вы рассматриваете тогда возобновление, реинтеграцию? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Are you then considering restoration, reintegration? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Yes, of the Soviet Union. |
| В.Путин: Реинтеграцию чего? Советского Союза? |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Reintegration of what? Of the Soviet Union? |
| Г.Мохан: Да, Советского Союза. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Yes, of the Soviet Union. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified |
Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Mohan: You should say about it to some Western newspapers constantly writing about how you really want the old Soviet Union back because that’s what they keep doing. |
| В.Путин: Нет, конечно, это просто исключено. У нас и целей быть не может таких, и бессмысленно. Есть ещё вопрос целесообразности. Это в сегодняшних условиях нецелесообразно, потому что это критическим образом изменит и национальный, и религиозный состав населения Российской Федерации. Это нецелесообразно. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: No, of course that is simply out of the question. We cannot have such aims, and it is pointless. There is also the question of whether it is expedient. In present conditions it is not expedient, because it would critically change both the national and the religious composition of the population of the Russian Federation. It is not expedient. |
| Г.Мохан: Вы должны это сказать некоторым западным газетам, которые постоянно пишут, как Вы по-настоящему хотите вернуть старый Советский Союз. Потому что они всё время это делают. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: You should say that to some Western newspapers that constantly write about how you really want to bring back the old Soviet Union. Because they do it all the time. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: You make a point. As Geeta said, they speak and they type a lot about you, that you are building empire back. |
| В.Путин: Я не буду им говорить. Знаете, почему? Потому что они всё равно не хотят слушать то, что я говорю. Они хотят слушать только сами себя или хотят комментировать то, что я говорю, так, как им нравится. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: I will not tell them. Do you know why? Because they do not want to listen to what I say anyway. They want to listen only to themselves, or they want to comment on what I say in the way that suits them. |
| А.Кашьяп: Да, они действительно, как уже сказала Гита, так и говорят, они много пишут о том, что Вы хотите «отстроить империю». |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Yes, they really do say that, as Gita has already said; they write a great deal about how you want to “rebuild the empire.” |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Then, if you are different, how would you, Vladimir Putin, summarise Vladimir Putin’s life and ideology? |
| В.Путин: Да, они это делают для того, чтобы напугать своё население, они злоупотребляют своим монопольным положением в мировых СМИ. Это называется манипуляцией общественным мнением, и цель – оправдать свой агрессивный курс в отношении России. Другой цели я не вижу. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Yes, they do this in order to frighten their own population; they abuse their monopoly position in the world media. This is called manipulation of public opinion, and the aim is to justify their aggressive course toward Russia. I see no other aim. |
| А.Кашьяп: Тогда, если Вы не такой, то как Вы, Владимир Путин, подытожили бы идеологию и жизнь Владимира Путина? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: Then, if you are not like that, how would you, Vladimir Putin, sum up Vladimir Putin’s ideology and life? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: I like it because we are going to talk about longevity but before there is a very important question. You are going to India. Prime Ministers of India had a huge, huge role to play in strengthening India-Russia ties. Who do you think in you span of being a leader of Russia really made that difference, since you have been in power enhancing India-Russia ties? Which of the prime ministers? |
| В.Путин: Нет, мне кажется, мне ещё рано подытоживать. Мы ещё поработаем. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: No, it seems to me it is still too early for me to sum up. We will work some more. |
| Г.Мохан: Мне понравилось, потому что мы будем говорить про долголетие. Но сначала очень важный вопрос. Вы отправляетесь в Индию. Премьер-министр Индии сыграл огромную роль в укреплении связей между Россией и Индией. Как Вы думаете, за то время, как Вы были лидером здесь, в России, кто действительно был важен в улучшении отношений между Россией и Индией, какой из премьер-министров? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: I liked that, because we will be talking about longevity. But first, a very important question. You are going to India. India’s prime minister has played an enormous role in strengthening ties between Russia and India. During the time you have been the leader here in Russia, who do you think has really been important in improving relations between Russia and India—which of the prime ministers? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Om Kashyap: I am sure he has this mutual admiration for you as well. Quick question on the future because AI is the force to reckon with. You have your viewpoint on this. Do you think it is a force for chaos or it’s a force for good and where is Russia in this AI-weapon war? |
| 1 India–Russia Friendship and the Modi Relationship | |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, это я уже говорил, Вы меня просили дать характеристики другим лидерам из других стран. Это, на мой взгляд, не очень прилично. Мы сейчас работаем с Премьер-министром Индии господином Моди. У нас с ним реально очень доверительные, дружеские отношения. Он очень надёжный человек. В этом смысле, я искренне говорю, Индии повезло. Он живёт Индией. Я же общаюсь с ним. Не знаю, может, он не будет на меня сердиться, – я говорю то, что я вижу, то, что я думаю. Поэтому и мне приятно с таким человеком общаться, с таким цельным человеком, понимаете? Первое. Второе. Он действительно искренне относится к укреплению российско-индийских отношений по целому ряду направлений, по важнейшим: и в экономике, и в оборонной сфере, в сфере гуманитарного взаимодействия, в развитии высоких технологий. Мне с ним интересно встречаться. Он приезжал к нам, мы с ним сидели целый вечер дома у меня, чай пили, разговаривали на разные темы. У нас с ним и просто общение интересное чисто человеческого характера. Поэтому я жду этой встречи. Уверен, что она будет интересной и полезной. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, I have said this already; you asked me to characterize other leaders from other countries. That, in my view, is not very decent. We are now working with the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Modi. We really do have very trusting, friendly relations with him. He is a very reliable man. In that sense, I say it sincerely, India has been fortunate. He lives for India. I do associate with him, after all. I do not know; perhaps he will not be angry with me — I am saying what I see and what I think. So it is pleasant for me too to associate with such a man, with so whole a man, do you understand? First. Second. He really does take a sincere attitude to strengthening Russian-Indian relations along a whole set of lines, along the most important ones: in the economy, and in the defense sphere, in humanitarian dealings, in the development of high technologies. I find it interesting to meet him. He came to see us; we sat a whole evening at my home, drank tea, and talked of various subjects. Our plain association too, of a purely human kind, is interesting. So I am waiting for this meeting. I am sure it will be interesting and useful. |
| А.Кашьяп: Мне кажется, что он также восхищается и Вами. По поводу будущего. Искусственный интеллект – это значительная сила. Это благо или зло? И что Россия считает по поводу этого, войны [с использующими ИИ вооружениями], по поводу ИИ? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: I think he admires you too. About the future. Artificial intelligence is a significant force. Is it good or evil? And what does Russia think about this, about war [with weapons using AI], about AI? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: We are talking about future. You are talking about health also and you just spoke about health. There was a hot mighty moment between you and President Xi Jinping and it was reported very widely when you spoke about longevity and the stride of medicine by bio hacking. Do you think immortality is achievable? |
| В.Путин: Так же как любые достижения прогресса, это может быть и злом, это может быть и благом. Ясно, что это сквозная технология, которая меняет жизнь и конкретного человека и точно совершенно в ближайшее время приведёт к изменению жизни всего человечества. И тот, кто эти технологии освоит первым, – везде: в сфере образования, в сфере науки, в медицине – везде. Потому что эффективность применения технологий искусственного интеллекта в каждой из этих сфер многократно, просто кратно увеличивает эффект и эффективность работы. Но здесь есть и сложности, они все хорошо специалистам известны. Они заключаются в том, что всё это основано на обработке большого числа данных, больших данных. Сюда сразу включаются в оборот личные данные человека. Это первое. И здесь, конечно, нам нужно предпринимать необходимые усилия, для того чтобы гарантировать безопасность, гарантировать права человека в самом широком смысле этого слова. Но есть ещё одна очень важная вещь. Те люди, которые обладают вот этими базами данных, они, по сути, через свои возможности, через возможности этих развивающихся технологий могут формировать, по сути, мировоззрение. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Like any achievement of progress, this can be an evil and it can be a good. It is clear that this is a cross-cutting technology that changes the life of a particular person and will quite certainly, in the nearest time, lead to a change in the life of all humanity. And whoever masters these technologies first — everywhere: in education, in science, in medicine — everywhere. Because the effectiveness of applying artificial-intelligence technologies in each of these spheres increases the effect, and the efficiency of the work, many times over, simply by multiples. But there are difficulties here too; specialists know them all well. They consist in the fact that all of this is based on processing a large quantity of data, big data. A person's personal data are at once brought into circulation. That is the first point. And here, of course, we need to make the necessary efforts in order to guarantee security, to guarantee human rights in the broadest sense of the word. But there is one more very important thing. The people who possess these databases can, in essence, through their capabilities, through the capabilities of these developing technologies, shape, in essence, a worldview. |
| Г.Мохан: Мы говорим про будущее. Вы говорите также и про медицину, только что говорили про медицину. Был момент, когда мы услышали Вас и Председателя Си, вы говорили про долголетие и достижения в биохакинге и медицине. Как Вы считаете, достижимо ли бессмертие? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: We are talking about the future. You also speak about medicine; you were just talking about medicine. There was a moment when we heard you and Chairman Xi talking about longevity and advances in biohacking and medicine. Do you think immortality is achievable? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: I would not like to mention you age but there have been recently a lot of gen-Z protests across the world. How do you connect with the young generation? We have a lot of leaders who are looking now younger and younger and younger. How does this happen? And how do you connect with the young people in Russia? |
| 20 Longevity, Youth and Traditional Values | |
| В.Путин: Всё конечно. Только Господь вечен. Можно увеличить продолжительность жизни, сто процентов, наверняка можно. Вот 77 лет назад в Индии средняя продолжительность жизни была 31 год, а сейчас под 70 – вот медицина что делает. В четыре раза с лишним сократилась в Индии детская смертность. Это результат. Можно только вас с этим поздравить. Это всё результат работы медицины. А если применять ещё в медицине искусственный интеллект, использовать искусственный интеллект для производства лекарственных препаратов, в том числе использовать генную инженерию и так далее, то тогда, конечно, эффект будет просто колоссальный. Но всё равно всё конечно. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Everything is finite. Only the Lord is eternal. One can increase the length of life, one hundred percent; one certainly can. Now, 77 years ago in India the average length of life was 31 years, and now it is approaching 70 — that is what medicine does. Child mortality in India has fallen by more than four times. That is a result. One can only congratulate you on this. All of this is the result of the work of medicine. And if one also applies artificial intelligence in medicine, and uses artificial intelligence to produce medicines, including the use of genetic engineering and so on, then of course the effect will be simply colossal. But all the same, everything is finite. |
| А.Кашьяп: Я не хочу, конечно, упоминать Ваш возраст, но недавно было много протестов поколения Z по всему миру. Как Вы общаетесь с молодым поколением? Сейчас многие лидеры выглядят всё моложе. Как это происходит? И как Вы общаетесь с молодёжью в России? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: I do not want to mention your age, of course, but recently there have been many Generation Z protests around the world. How do you communicate with the younger generation? Many leaders now look younger and younger. How does this happen? And how do you communicate with young people in Russia? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: Mr. President, we would spend hours talking but we are reaching the end of our conversation with you. You just mentioned religion a while ago and the Orthodox Church, a very important aspect. I have travelled to Moscow a few times now and every time you are coming here around Christmas, it is unbelievably lit, unbelievable to see how beautiful Moscow as a city looks like. |
| В.Путин: Вы знаете, здесь нет ничего нового. Ведь у нас в литературе, в искусстве это противопоставление молодых людей и старого поколения, отцов и детей в нашей литературе классической, эти образы всегда существовали, отцы и дети. Здесь нет нового. А знаете, в чём новое? В технологиях. Эти мессенджеры – Telegram и так далее – используются для того, чтобы как-то влиять на молодёжную среду. Молодёжная среда, она примерно одинакова. Молодые люди всегда более мобильны, более радикальны. Всегда молодым людям, молодому человеку или девушке кажется, что они сталкиваются с такой-то и с такой-то несправедливостью, и, судя по всему, до них этого никто не видел, а вот они увидели, и сейчас они всем раскроют глаза. И больше того, они полагают, что с этими несправедливостями так легко расправиться, их так легко решить. Если уже повзрослее человек становится, начинает пытаться сам что-то решить, сразу появляется понимание того, что решить-то проблемы можно, но не так просто, как казалось на первый взгляд. Поэтому с людьми надо работать. Нельзя говорить, что вы вот такие, совсем молодые, вы совсем ничего не понимаете и сидите у себя дома там, за стенкой. Так тоже нельзя. Нужно постоянно быть в контакте с молодыми людьми и пользоваться их инструментами, их аппаратом, пользоваться теми же современными средствами доведения информации до них, обратной связи, в социальных сетях, надо там работать. Я так понимаю, что вы отчасти этим и занимаетесь. Хочу вам пожелать успехов. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You know, there is nothing new here. After all, in our literature and art, this contrast between young people and the older generation, between fathers and children in our classical literature—these images have always existed, fathers and children. There is nothing new here. But do you know what is new? Technology. These messaging apps—Telegram and so on—are used to influence young people in some way. Young people are much the same. They are always more mobile, more radical. Young people, a young man or woman, always feel they are encountering this or that injustice, and apparently no one before them has seen it, but now they have, and they will open everyone's eyes. Moreover, they believe these injustices are so easy to deal with, so easy to resolve. Once a person gets a little older and starts trying to resolve something themselves, they immediately come to understand that problems can indeed be resolved, but not as easily as it seemed at first glance. So we need to work with people. You cannot say: you are so very young, you understand absolutely nothing, so stay at home there, behind the wall. That will not do either. We need to be constantly in contact with young people and use their tools, their equipment, use the same modern means of conveying information to them and receiving feedback, on social media; we need to work there. As I understand it, this is partly what you are doing. I want to wish you success. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: I am for the first time here. |
| Г.Мохан: Господин Президент, мы могли бы говорить ещё с Вами целый час, но мы подходим к концу нашего общения. Вы только что упомянули религию и Православную церковь. Это важный аспект. Я приезжала в Москву несколько раз уже. И каждый раз перед Рождеством потрясающие огни, удивительно видеть, какая красивая Москва. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Mr President, we could talk with you for another whole hour, but we are nearing the end of our conversation. You just mentioned religion and the Orthodox Church. This is an important aspect. I have already been to Moscow several times. And every time before Christmas, the lights are stunning; it is amazing to see how beautiful Moscow is. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Geeta Mohan: That’s why she was surprised, it was better than any European city. But religion does play a very important role now. How do you see spirituality when it comes to the morality question and leadership, to the Russian society and for you personally? |
| А.Кашьяп: Я в первый раз приехала. |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: This is my first visit. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Well, that’s the foundation. We always turn to our traditional values as we call them, at least that’s what we have been doing lately. This does not mean that we use these traditional values to just sit idly, this is simply the foundation that we feel very solid on but we need to look forward, naturally, we need to develop and use all modern means of development. And only with that, using our basic fundamental values and vision of the future, that’s the only way to efficiently achieve the goals that we are setting for ourselves. And that’s the way we have shaped or formulated our goals – the goals of national development. I would really like our national goals and the goals of India shaped by government of India headed by Prime Minister Modi, I would really hope that they coincide so we could join efforts and achieve maximum result. |
| Г.Мохан: Поэтому она была удивлена, что это лучше, чем в любом европейском городе. Но религия действительно играет важную роль. Как Вы видите духовность в том, что касается вопросов моральных принципов, руководства, российского общества – и для Вас лично? |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: That is why she was surprised that it is better than in any European city. But religion really does play an important role. How do you see spirituality when it comes to questions of moral principles, leadership and Russian society—and for you personally? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Anjana Om Kashyap: Welcome with open heart to India and we look forward to whatever it comes out of the meetings. But I don’t know how much of Hindi films or songs you’ve ever heard. There is a song that was very popular in Russia “Sar pē lāl ṭōpī Rūsī, phir bhī dil hai Hindustānī”. Actually, it just means there is red cap on the head, you are wearing a red Russian hat but the heart is Indian. It was very popular even in Russia, a lot of people knew about it. Anything that you wanted to say about India, Indian society and Indian culture? And what is your message to all Indians, who like you a lot and who would want to listen to what Mr. Putin has to say to them. |
| В.Путин: Это основа. Мы всё время, во всяком случае, в последнее время, всё время обращаемся к нашим традиционным, как мы говорим, ценностям. Это не значит, что мы на основе этих традиционных ценностей должны спокойно сидеть и никуда не двигаться. Это просто наша база, на которой мы прочно себя чувствуем, прочно стоим на этой базе. Но смотреть нужно, безусловно, вперёд. Надо развиваться, используя все современные средства развития. И только так – в сочетании базовых ценностей и видения будущего – можно эффективно добиваться тех целей, которые мы перед собой ставим. А у нас цели так и сформированы, сформулированы – цели национального развития. Я очень бы хотел, чтобы и цели нашего национального развития, и цели развития Индии, а их формирует правительство Индии во главе с Премьер-министром Моди, чтобы они совпадали друг с другом и чтобы мы, объединяя усилия, добивались максимального результата. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: This is the foundation. All the time, at any rate of late, we keep turning to our traditional values, as we call them. This does not mean that on the basis of these traditional values we ought to sit quietly and move nowhere. This is simply our base, on which we feel firm, on which we stand firmly. But one must of course look ahead. One must develop, using every modern means of development. And only thus, in the combination of basic values and a vision of the future, can one effectively achieve the goals we set ourselves. And our goals are shaped, formulated, just so: the goals of national development. I would very much like both the goals of our national development and the goals of India's development — and these are shaped by the government of India headed by Prime Minister Modi — to coincide with one another, and for us, by joining our efforts, to achieve the maximum result. |
| А.Кашьяп: Мы готовы принимать Вас с открытым сердцем в Индии и будем ждать того, какие будут результаты Ваших встреч. Не знаю, как много Вы слышали песен индийских. Есть старая песня, которая была очень популярна в России, [о красной русской шапке] и русском сердце. Мне кажется, многие россияне знали эту песню. Что Вы, может быть, хотите сказать об Индии, об индийской культуре, индийском обществе? Что бы Вы хотели сказать всем индийцам, которые очень Вас любят, которые хотели бы узнать, что им хочет сказать Президент Путин? |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: We are ready to welcome you to India with open hearts and will be waiting to see the results of your meetings. I do not know how many Indian songs you have heard. There is an old song that was very popular in Russia, [about a red Russian hat] and a Russian heart. I think many Russians knew that song. What might you want to say about India, Indian culture and Indian society? What would you like to say to all the Indians who love you very much and would like to know what President Putin wants to tell them? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Om Kashyap: Mr President, we are very thankful to you for this very open interview that we had with you and the best part, I think, of this entire interview is that we touched everything we talked about. Everything but this is a bond, India-Russia bond, it’s a friendship that is to be cherished forever, there are seasonal friendships but there are friendships that last a lifetime. It means a classic vintage and let’s see what comes out of it. We are very thankful to you for this interview. |
| Matching Russian passage has not been identified | Geeta Mohan: You watched the interview with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The interview was conducted by Aaj Tak and India Today. We discussed Russia. Russia will not be isolated and it will protect its interests. And it says that it would make part of the developed world but not part of any society like G8. India and the whole world are looking at you. Thank you, Mr President. |
| 21 Closing — Affection for Indian Culture | |
| В.Путин: Вы сейчас сказали об индийской культуре, о российской культуре. Вы знаете, мне так кажется, что у большого количества граждан Российской Федерации существует представление об индийской культуре, как о какой-то сказке – красивой, яркой, многообразной сказке. Ещё со времён Советского Союза у нас очень любят индийские фильмы, индийскую музыку. И я бы сказал даже, как-то немножко есть в известных слоях нашего общества культ индийской культуры. И мне это очень импонирует, мне очень нравится это, потому что это то, что называется, от сердца к сердцу идёт. И мы будем делать всё для того, чтобы этот интерес не угасал. И хочу, чтобы в Индии об этом знали. |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: You have just spoken of Indian culture, of Russian culture. You know, it seems to me that a large number of citizens of the Russian Federation have a picture of Indian culture as a kind of fairy tale — a beautiful, vivid, many-sided fairy tale. Ever since the times of the Soviet Union we have been very fond of Indian films and Indian music. And I would even say that in certain circles of our society there is something of a cult of Indian culture. And this appeals to me very much; I like it very much, because this is what is called going from heart to heart. And we will do everything so that this interest does not fade. And I want people in India to know this. |
| А.Кашьяп: Господин Президент Путин, большое спасибо за это открытое интервью, которые мы провели с Вами. Лучшая часть, мне кажется, – это то, что мы поговорили обо всём. Но эта связь между Индией и Россией – это дружба, которую нужно ценить всегда. Есть дружба не навсегда, а есть дружба навсегда. Мы очень благодарим Вас, господин Президент. |
Full house translation — pending review А.Кашьяп: President Putin, thank you very much for this candid interview we have conducted with you. The best part, I think, is that we talked about everything. But this bond between India and Russia is a friendship that must always be cherished. Some friendships do not last forever, and some friendships do. We thank you very much, Mr President. |
| Г.Мохан: Владимир Путин был с вами. Это было интервью телеканала Aaj Tak и India Today. Говорили о том, что такое Россия. Россия не будет изолирована, будет отстаивать свои интересы. Россия будет частью развитого мира, но не любого объединения, такого как «большая восьмёрка». Индия и весь мир смотрит на Вас. Большое спасибо, господин Президент. |
Full house translation — pending review Г.Мохан: Vladimir Putin has been with you. This was an interview by the Aaj Tak and India Today television channels. We talked about what Russia is. Russia will not be isolated; it will defend its interests. Russia will be part of the developed world, but not of just any grouping, such as the Group of Eight. India and the whole world are watching you. Thank you very much, Mr President. |
| В.Путин: Спасибо вам. Дополнительно Государственный визит в Индию 5 декабря 2025 года География Индия Темы СМИ |
Full house translation — pending review В.Путин: Thank you. Additional information State visit to India 5 December 2025 Geography India Topics Media |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: I hope you'll enjoy your stay in Russia. Hope that you like Moscow and the Kremlin where we are currently collaborating together. As you see, everything is going on as planned. On the whole, we are satisfied with the current economic situation. Most importantly, I am delighted to be meeting, as you've mentioned, my friend Prime Minister Modi. We have made a specific arrangement to do so in India because there are numerous topics on which we need to talk, and our collaboration with India spans an extensive array – and, of course, the unique nature of our relationship adds another layer of significance. I also want to highlight that India's progress over the past 77 years since gaining independence – an extremely brief span in historical terms – has been substantial indeed, and India has truly come a long way in development. I will discuss this further below. You know, as we go about our daily lives, we often fail to notice the changes happening right before our eyes; we scarcely ever take note of them. Yet if you glance even slightly into the past and reflect on what has occurred in India – it's almost like a miracle. For example, few people recognise that life expectancy in India has nearly doubled during this period. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: We will definitely discuss that. Anyway, our relationship with India is advancing in numerous fields. It's a pleasure to meet Prime Minister Modi again, with whom we have both a professional and a personal, friendly relationship. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: About the Prime Minister? Yes. And to him. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know, the world is evolving rapidly – and this pace keeps getting faster, which is plainly visible to all. The global configuration is changing, with new centres of power emerging, and the global power landscape is changing too. Therefore, it's crucial to ensure stability among major nations, since this forms the groundwork for gradual progress in both bilateral and international relations. In this context, our collaborative endeavours with Prime Minister Modi carry significant weight because they transcend our mutual ties. Given its direct relevance to both nations, ensuring stability in key areas of engagement is crucial, as it helps secure the fulfilment of our objectives. Prime Minister Modi sets very challenging tasks for the country – and for himself in the first place, then for the administration, and eventually for the nation. Take, for example, his famous pitch, “Make in India.” It has a practical dimension, including for our bilateral relations. When we meet, he always says, “Let's do this, let’s do that, let’s look at this area and that.” I can list them all. Therefore, we have a lot of practical areas of cooperation. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: We have just gone over the current topics. This wasn't prearranged; we simply stepped out, and my car was waiting. I asked, ”Would you like to come along?“ That's all there is to it – a gesture of human solidarity, camaraderie, and friendship. No hidden scheme was involved. We climbed into the car like old friends and talked en route. We always have things to discuss. What’s more, we continued our conversation and just remained in the car. Eventually, I suggested: ”Let's go, they are already waiting for us. “ There is nothing special here; it simply indicates that we have matters to discuss and those matters are very important to us. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: The world would be watching our visit – there's no big deal here. India is an enormous country, home to one-and-a-half billion people, boasting a growing economy with a seven-percent annual growth rate, leading among major global powers. After all, Mr Modi has made this possible. It's something both the Indian nation and Prime Minister Modi himself can rightfully claim as their achievement. Naturally, there will always be critics who think that improvements could have been more significant. But that's an achievement. We've laid out an ambitious plan for our collaboration in key domains. The most critical areas are indeed forward-looking. I'm referring specifically to high technology. Our partnership with India encompasses such fields as space exploration, energy (notably nuclear power, exemplified by the prominent Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant project), shipbuilding, and aviation. There are many interesting areas for cooperation that are looking to the future. Take, for example, artificial intelligence. We'll likely discuss it further down the line. AI represents a crucial technology shaping the future, rapidly transforming the world, amplifying possibilities exponentially while simultaneously presenting certain challenges. These are the matters we will discuss, choosing the ones that are the most significant for us, as both Prime Minister Modi and I believe. That’s what we will focus on and what we will work on. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Well, of course. However, perhaps we shouldn't reveal them just yet; we will do that during the visit, when we can unveil everything publicly. Then, our colleagues will first share with us all the documents they have prepared, and it would require our final approval. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: It appears that both India and the world recognise that India cannot continue to be treated the way it was treated 77 years ago. India is a major global player, not a British colony, and everyone must accept this reality. Furthermore, Prime Minister Modi is not someone who succumbs to pressure easily. The Indian people can certainly take pride in their leader. This is absolutely obvious. His stance is unwavering and straightforward, without being confrontational. Our goal is not to provoke conflict; rather, we aim to protect our lawful rights. India does the same. What are the obstacles? Obstacles in settlements. However, over 90% of our transactions are already conducted in national currencies. While some complications arise due to the presence of numerous intermediaries, there are also solutions: we can switch to the existing systems for exchanging electronic messages on financial transactions of the Bank of Russia and of our partners in India. These efforts are ongoing and advancing. Those who attempt to hinder economic ties with third countries ultimately encounter difficulties and suffer losses. I am confident that once this perspective becomes firmly established, such tactics of applying external pressures will fade away. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You seem to be an expert on the issue, as if we are engaged in negotiations on military-technical cooperation. If we delve into the substance, India stands out as one of our reliable and privileged partners in this area. We are not merely selling something to India and India isn’t merely buying something from us in the sphere of defence and security. No. It is a different level, a different quality of relations we have with India, and we value this. We see how India values this relationship too. Why? Allow me to emphasise again: we are not simply selling technology – we are sharing it, and it is a very rare thing to see in the sphere of military-technical cooperation. It speaks to the level of trust between the two countries and the level of trust between the two peoples, I would put it this way. We have a broad portfolio indeed, including naval construction, rocket and missile engineering, and aircraft engineering. You just mentioned the Su-57 aircraft. India operates several other Russian-made aircraft too. And there’s the production of armoured vehicles. India is manufacturing our renowned T-90 tanks. Trust me when I tell you that these tanks rank among the best in the world. Moreover, the famous BrahMos missile – a joint venture between Russia and India – is manufactured primarily at Indian facilities. Therefore, Prime Minister Modi's “Make in India” initiative should be implemented in this area as well. And the Kalashnikovs. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: The Kalashnikov is certainly an important weapon. But we have been discussing high, one might even say cutting-edge technologies. Given the combat experience in using certain types of weapons, their value has multiplied manyfold. Now, Indian military specialists – thanks to their strong ties with our military – understand clearly how and in what circumstances a particular weapon performs best, and where and when it should be deployed. This is an extremely important understanding, which is shared by both the Indian and Russian sides. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Well, there is a certain decline in overall trade turnover during the first nine months of this year. This is just a minor adjustment. Overall, our trade turnover stands almost at the same level as before. I can’t give you exact monthly figures right now, but trade in petroleum products and crude oil, as well as the production of petroleum products for consumers of oil, Russian Russian companies: they believe their Indian counterparts are reliable and very serious people. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes, of course we have some announcements to make. We are indeed one of the biggest ”movers,“ as you have noted. Speaking seriously, we are not ”movers,“ we are producers of the world’s most advanced and reliable equipment for nuclear power plants. The Russian company Rosatom builds and operates more nuclear reactors for nuclear power plants abroad than any other company in the world – 22 nuclear units. The well‑known facility and our joint project, the Kudankulam plant, is one of the leaders in this regard. These are large units, they operate efficiently and, I reiterate, have proven to be very useful. There are some announcements you have just asked about. What is it about? The news is that Russia is probably the only country in the world today capable of building – and actually does build – small nuclear power plants. Such plants are already operational in Russia, and we can make them either floating or ground-based. It’s an excellent option for specific regions where big power stations are not needed or where connecting electricity grids between generators and end-users isn’t feasible. These compact nuclear power modules can thus be deployed in isolated and hard-to-access locations. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know, neither me nor Prime Minister Modi, despite certain external pressure we face, have ever – and I want to emphasise this, I want you to hear it – approached our collaboration to work against someone. President Trump has his own agenda, his own goals, whereas we focus on ours – not against anyone, but rather aimed at safeguarding our respective interests, India's and Russia's interests. In our dealings, we cause no harm to others, and I believe that leaders from other countries should appreciate this. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know, I never give character assessments about my colleagues – neither those I’ve worked with in the past nor current leaders of individual states. These assessments should be made by citizens who vote for their leader during elections. As for India's purchases or purchase of energy resources from Russia… Well, I would like to note and have already mentioned this publicly once – the United States itself still buys nuclear fuel from us for its own nuclear power plants. That is also fuel – uranium for the reactors operating in the United States. If the US has the right to buy our fuel, why shouldn't India have the same privilege? This question deserves thorough examination, and we stand ready to discuss it, including with President Trump. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: It's premature to discuss that now. I doubt it would interest you to hear about it, as it lasted five hours. Frankly, even I grew weary of it – five hours is too much. However, it was necessary because… |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes, and I was alone. Can you imagine it? But speaking seriously, it was a very productive conversation, as what our American colleagues presented was, in one way or another, based on our prior agreements made before my meeting with President Trump in Alaska. We had discussed these very issues, to some extent, at the meeting in Anchorage. However, what the Americans brought us this time was truly new; we hadn't seen it before. Therefore, we had to go through practically every point, which is why it took so much time. So it was a meaningful, highly specific, and substantive conversation. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes, such issues were raised, we discussed them. But this is a complex task and a challenging mission that President Trump took upon himself – fair enough, I say without irony, because achieving consensus among conflicting parties is no easy task. But President Trump, truly, I believe, he sincerely tries to do this. We went through each point again, let me reiterate this. Sometimes we said, “yes, we can discuss this, but with that one we cannot agree.” That was how the work proceeded. To say now what exactly doesn't suit us or where we could possibly agree seems premature, since it might disrupt the very mode of operation that President Trump is trying to establish. But that's what they do – shuttle diplomacy. They spoke with Ukrainian representatives, then with Europeans, came here, had another meeting with Ukrainians and Europeans. I think we should engage in this effort rather than obstruct it. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: They're discussing – that's what they're discussing right now. They simply broke down those 28 points, then 27, into four packages and proposed discussing these four packages. But essentially, it's still just the same old 27 points. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes, there was indeed a sense – no, more than just a sense, I have absolutely no doubt that President Trump had genuine intentions (we won't discuss here what caused them or why they appeared, but they're definitely present). Both the United States and President Trump likely have their own understanding of why this needs to be resolved quickly. Moreover, by the way, on humanitarian grounds too. I truly believe that is one of the motives behind President Trump's actions regarding this matter because he constantly speaks about his wish to minimise losses, and I'm confident that his sincerity is genuine. He undoubtedly considers these humanitarian concerns when formulating his decisions. However, other factors also come into play: political considerations and economic interests. Therefore, I believe that the US is actively seeking a solution to this problem. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Of course. About their existence. They’re waiting until all problems are solved, and they’re ready to return to us, they want this, asking us not to forget about them. The letters are there. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: What’s so surprising about that? Many want to return. So, of course, the Indian government is saying right: “Why should we leave…?” |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: No, I believe there has been a misunderstanding. We have letters from American companies – letters they have sent us, where they urge us not to forget about their existence. These are our former partners, who did not leave by choice. They express a clear desire to resume cooperation and are waiting, among other things, for a corresponding political signal. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know, it's not about victory, like you have said. The point is that Russia is determined – and will certainly do so – to protect its interests. Protect its people living there, protect our traditional values, Russian language, and so on. Protection, by the way, of religion that has been cultivated on these lands for centuries. Yet you know that the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine is almost banned: they seize churches, drive people out of temples, etc. – it is a problem. And I'm not even mentioning the ban on the Russian language, etc. It is all part of a big set of issues. Let me remind you: we were not the ones to start this war. The West egged Ukraine on and supported the events, orchestrating a coup d'état. That was the point that triggered the events in Crimea, followed by developments in southeastern Ukraine, in Donbass. They don't even mention it – we've tried to resolve these issues peacefully for eight years, signed the Minsk agreements, hoping that they could be resolved through peaceful means. But Western leaders openly admitted later that they never intended to honour those agreements, signing them merely to allow Ukraine to arm itself and continue fighting against us. After eight years of relentless violence against our citizens of Donbass – something the West hasn't uttered a word about – we were forced to recognise these republics first, and secondly, provide support. Our special military operation isn't the start of a war, but rather an attempt to end one that the West ignited using Ukrainian nationalists. That's what is really happening now. That’s the crux of the problem. We will finish it when we achieve the goals set at the beginning of the special military operation – when we free these territories. That's all. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: I have said that already. Listen, we didn't recognise these self-proclaimed republics for eight years. Eight years. They declared independence, while we were trying to establish relations between the rest of Ukraine and those republics. But when we realised this was impossible, that they were simply being destroyed, we had no choice but to recognise them – and not just their existence on part of the territory, but within administrative boundaries established during Soviet times, then later under independent Ukraine after its independence, still within those administrative borders. And right away we told Ukraine, the Ukrainian troops: ”People don't want to live with you anymore. They voted in a referendum for independence. Withdraw your troops from there, and there won't be any military actions.“ No, they chose to fight instead. Now they have pretty much fought themselves into a corner, all this boils down to one thing: either we take back these territories by force, or eventually Ukrainian troops withdraw and stop killing people there. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Here I haven't made up anything – historically this is how it was said. Originally, the Russian state was formed from several centres. The first capital, according to history, was in Novgorod in the northwest. Later the federal status moved to the city of Veliky Novgorod, and then it moved to Kiev. This was Ancient Rus. And since then, Kiev has been known as the ”mother of all Russian cities.“ Later, historical events unfolded in such a way that the ancient Russian state split into two parts. One part began developing with Moscow as its centre, while another part fell under other countries. For instance, the part with Kiev, along with some other lands, these parts first formed a state with Lithuania, subsequently merged with Poland, forming the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Thus, this part of the ancient Russian state ended up in Poland, and by the seventeenth century, it sought to return back to Russia. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: I didn't understand the question. What exactly shocked them? |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: The answer is quite straightforward. These individuals presumably resided in those parts of Ukraine – specifically, in the areas of the Lugansk or Donetsk region – that remained under the control of the Kiev authorities at the time. Meanwhile, that part of the Lugansk or Donetsk region outside their control was being subjected to intense military action by the Kiev authorities. We were consequently forced to extend support to those areas that had declared independence. That is the first point. Secondly, we provided people with an opportunity to express their will in an open referendum. Those who believed it was in their interest to join Russia voted accordingly. Those who did not were free to leave unhindered for other parts of the Ukrainian state. We have never placed any obstacles in the way of that choice. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Listen, NATO is another matter altogether. The Russian language, Russian culture, religion, and even territorial issues – these are very important topics, one subject. NATO is something entirely different. We don't demand anything exclusive for ourselves here. First of all, there are general agreements that the security of one state cannot be guaranteed by undermining the security of others. This idea might seem somewhat obscure, but I'll explain it simply. Each country, including Ukraine, has the right to choose its own means of defence and ensure its own safety. Correct? Absolutely correct. Do we deny Ukraine this? No. But it's not acceptable if done at Russia's expense. Ukraine believes it would benefit from joining NATO. And we say: that threatens our security, let's find a way to secure yours without threatening us. Secondly, we are not asking for anything unusual or unexpected, nothing falling from the sky. We are just insisting on fulfilling the promises already made to us. These weren't invented yesterday. They were pledged to Russia back in the '90s: no expansion eastward—this was stated publicly. Since then, several waves of expansion took place, culminating with Ukraine being drawn into NATO. This completely displeases us and poses a serious threat. Let’s remember that NATO is a military-political alliance, and Article Five of the Washington Treaty establishing NATO hasn't been repealed. It's a threat to us. Nobody bothers to take us seriously. Lastly, when Ukraine became independent, few people recall this: what was the first document ratifying independence? It was the Declaration of State Sovereignty, Independence of Ukraine. That forms the foundation of Ukrainian sovereignty and modern statehood. And it clearly states that Ukraine is a neutral state. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: We didn't need to seize that important port in Crimea because it was ours already – our Navy had been stationed there under the agreement with Ukraine, which is a fact. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, our fleet remained there regardless. The matter isn't about that, though it's significant, but that's not what we're talking about here. And we did not annex Crimea, I want to emphasise this point. We simply came to help people who didn't want their lives or fate tied to those who staged a coup in Ukraine. They said: “Hey, nationalist extremists took over in Kiev. Did anyone ask us? Ok, we ended up as part of independent Ukraine after the dissolution of the USSR. So be it, history happened like that. Fine, ok, now we'll live that way. But we believe that we exist in a democratic state. And if coups happen here with unknown consequences, then we won't accept that, we don't want to live like that.” There was a threat not just of pressure, but of outright violence against the Crimeans. Russia stepped in to help them. How could we do otherwise? If someone believes differently, thinking that Russia would act differently, they’re deeply mistaken. We'll always defend our interests and our people. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: No. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes. The fact of the matter is that I myself, at a certain point – such were the circumstances, I won’t go into details now – I stopped attending those meetings. This is the first point. The second thing is that as I have said before, it’s not entirely clear why the countries that form the G7, call themselves the ”Big seven“? What’s so big about them? In terms of purchasing power parity, India’s economy is the third largest in the world. And where are the countries like the United Kingdom in terms of purchasing power parity? What is their ranking now, tenth or thereabouts? Of course, these are all countries with advanced, high-tech economies; a robust foundation exists, it hasn’t gone anywhere, although their share in the global economy is shrinking year after year, like a piece of Shagreen leather. This is an obvious fact, we all see it. The trend is obvious, and it will keep going like that, as far as can be seen, among other things, due to what I would cautiously call the deeply flawed economic policies pursued by the leadership of many of those countries. A recession in Germany is evident, for the third year in a row; France is in a difficult situation, also on the brink of recession, as are other leading European nations. Nevertheless, it is an important platform; they do work there, they do make decisions, they do discuss matters among themselves, and so may they all be healthy by God's grace. This is a good story as such. But I will say it again, at a certain moment I simply stopped going there. And this was not connected to the events in Ukraine, but to some other events; I won’t go into details now. Incidentally, we informed our American partners about this. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes, during this meeting as well. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes, we discussed this topic among others. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You think so? I don't believe it's that significant. But if you feel that way, okay. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: No, this topic just came up on its own. I explained to Mr Witkoff why I stopped attending those events long time ago. It wasn't a suggestion or even a question, nothing like that. We just mentioned that subject. I recalled when I stopped going there – it was in 2012 after the Russian presidential elections. Then I seemed to come back there, then stopped coming again – and anyway, that's no longer important now. But the platform still exists, I wish them to continue their job and Lord give them all the best. But other major international alliances are forming now -such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), BRICS, and the G20. We're involved everywhere, and we definitely have a completely non-confrontational approach. However, there's another aspect here. Look at the current relationship between Russia and European countries. These relationships are far from being called normal. How do you imagine that I come to the G8 meeting, how would I talk to its members if they don't want to talk to me? What am I supposed to do there then? Well, if they do want to talk about it, fine – we can come back to this topic later. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You asked whether the world is changing, and a new order is forming? The world changes constantly – everything flows, cuncta fluunt. The pace of change varies, but the world always evolves. Nowadays, this rate of change is fast, indeed very high. We can see it, we can feel it, I’ve already said that. And primarily, we’re witnessing the global economic processes unfolding. These processes aren’t linked to events in Ukraine or other hotspots – they’re just happening generally. We could talk about this for hours, and I’d be happy to discuss it with you, but our viewers might grow tired from such discussions. One fact remains, however: new centres of growth are emerging of rapid, strong growth. These include countries of the Global South, notably South Asia, India, and Indonesia, which has nearly 300 million people and is rising quickly. Of course, it’s not one and a half billion people living there, like in India, but still these are very rapidly developing countries. Let me say it again: Africa is already advancing swiftly and will accelerate even more. With its young population, these countries would be our future. They’ll strive toward higher living standards, which is inevitable. In the future, rates of change in the global economy will continue to accelerate steadily and significantly. By the way, we often hear that Russia recently recalibrated its relationships with the Global South and Asia. That's not true, because we’ve been doing so since the early 2000s. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know, conflicts always exist. But tell me what period of history there was no conflict at all? Let's take a look at the historical development of major world centres or regions – wherever we point our finger in time, we will always find a conflict somewhere. Though the point is elsewhere: it's about finding solutions to these conflicts, seeking most effective ways to resolve them. In large alliances like BRICS, or the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, we share a common understanding that we have common values rooted in our traditional beliefs, which underpin our civilisations such as India's civilisation for already hundreds, if not thousands, of years. Drawing on this heritage of the past, we work together instead of suppressing opportunities. When efforts are combined, the resulting synergy turns out unexpectedly strong and high. We never set out to come up with ways to deceive, outsmart, or hinder someone's development. Nothing like that has ever happened. We always focus only on positive agendas. I believe that's important. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know, there's no rush in this, festina lente and you'll avoid big mistakes. For instance, we were talking about Europe. They set up the euro system and dragged in there certain countries that weren't economically ready for one single strong currency. And now they're dealing with some difficult social matters. There's more than just playing around with inflation there, right? This question is far more complex than just tinkering with inflation a little bit and calling it done. Their entire economy is tied to just one stable currency, therefor social problems arise and budgetary issues emerge. Right now we don't aim at having a single currency within BRICS. In this process, there's no rush anywhere, and we aren't rushing either. There is a need to expand the use of national currencies, you've mentioned this already. We must make better use of the BRICS New Development Bank's opportunities. For example, we propose creating a new investment platform using electronic payments (with an initial capital of 100 billion dollars) to encourage joint investments both in our economies and those of developing nations in the Global South. I believe this could be very appealing option, because these investments would help us, and they would also benefit the recipient countries, since together we would produce high-quality goods at reasonable prices. These products could help the countries of the South to develop further, while also advancing our own growth. There will be more and more tools like this. Modern payment systems and digital money exist already and they are evolving rapidly. And for us, this is definitely not about working against anyone – we see it more as refining tools that are already widely used worldwide. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: There are no obstacles here. These are purely economic issues. We fully understand and realise that we do have a certain trade imbalance. However, India's government does not impose restrictions on our mutual trade. Why? Because they need both oil and petroleum products. The Indian government needs to expand its purchases of Russian fertilisers because these are crucial for Indian farmers, and Prime Minister Modi constantly raises this issue: ”Please increase the volume of deliveries.“ The issue is entirely different. It's not about rupees; it's about what those rupees can buy respectively for our companies. We're also thinking about this, not only the Indian government, but we also do. And we agree that this disparity must be addressed, but not through bans, rather by finding areas beneficial for both sides. Therefore, during my visit and at our initiative, there will be an exhibition showcasing our importers from India. I want to share with you something completely candidly: this was my direct instruction to the Government of Russia, which is to consider what else we could purchase from India. We're considering this matter together, including from the perspective of the Russian Federation. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: We know this very well. India and China are our closest friends – we treasure that relationship deeply, and I do not believe we have the right to interfere in your bilateral relations. But I know that both Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping are committed to finding solutions to all issues, even to the most complex interstate problems. I know about it because both Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping see that some specific tension is rising, and they both try to find solutions to these issues, exerting maximum effort – I know this well and can see it clearly. And the key reason why they would succeed would be their wisdom, which we appreciate immensely. At the same time Russia does not feel entitled to intervene, because these are your bilateral affairs. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: It’s very simple. To achieve freedom, we must use lawful means only. Any actions involving criminal methods or those harming people cannot be supported – this has been decided long ago. As you've correctly noted, Russia has repeatedly faced acts of extreme terrorism throughout its recent history. In these matters, India is our full ally, and we completely support India's fight against terrorism. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: In every country there are enough problems. And Afghanistan is not an exception, considering that for decades this country has been embroiled in a civil war. It's just horrible. But the Taliban clearly controls the situation in Afghanistan and this is evident. Here's what needs to be said first, and you have to accept it because it's reality. Secondly, what’s important to note is that the Afghan government takes many actions to combat terrorism and various terrorist organisations, including ISIL and others like them. This we also know very well. Afghan authorities have significantly reduced opium production in their country and are actively addressing drug threats from within its borders. There are several other important issues here. The main point is that in order to influence events happening in the country, you must stay in contact with current leadership there – exactly what we’re doing. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: There’s truth in what you say, but on the other hand, if he hadn’t come here, you wouldn’t have had any chance to influence these events at all. And now you’ve got both connections and the minister who has arrived. You were able to express your reaction to what happened. How do we measure whether that’s little or much? It seems to me that at least this is part of your influence and your partners’ influence on the situation. But imagine there were no contacts at all. Then what? Everything remains exactly as before. And nobody, including yourself, would influence anything, or express any opinion about this. In contrast, now such an opportunity is available to you. Contacts are better than no contacts at all. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: We don't offer any special plan. We've always believed that the only way to solve the Palestinian problem is by implementing the solutions adopted and considered by the United Nations over many years. And the most important one is establishing an independent Palestinian state. That’s the key to resolving all issues. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Each of these countries in its way is concerned about Palestine and the Palestinian people, worrying for them. And each of them tries to contribute in resolving the situation. Some things are obvious, others remain hidden in the shadows. But it doesn't mean that no one is doing anything. This is a complex issue that no one has managed to resolve over the years. Hence, it can't be fixed in just a few months by clicking a button. However, we should aim precisely at achieving this goal: establishing a Palestinian state. What has been done until now was done by President Trump. Naturally, primarily the return of Israeli hostages and Hamas took this step. I think, frankly speaking, this was the most important thing that was done as part of the latest steps for the settlement in Gaza. I believe it would be correct, perhaps, to think about the possibility of organising the governance in such a way as to transfer all authority to the Palestinians. There are such options. They are being discussed both by Arab countries and the neighbours, and beyond it. It’s being discussed in the United States as well, I know it. As part of the United Nations, we have always taken part in this process. We will continue to do that with our friends. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Well, there are several powerful intelligence services in the world. There is CIA and our, Soviet and Russian intelligence. There is, as it is well-known, a very efficient service Mossad, Israeli intelligence. Many countries of the world have tradition of intelligence services. You know, I think it is better not to give evaluation to the efficiency of other peoples’ intelligence. I am happy with the quality of work of our intelligence service. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: My family, the family that I lived in and that I was born into, my parents, my closest people. I think that everyone is shaped, primarily, by our closest surroundings. Naturally, the social situation around, the colleagues and as you have fairly noted that work in the intelligence service because it has strict discipline, strict ideology that primarily has to do with the defence of the interests of Motherland and that was the entire point of the intelligence service of the Soviet Union and I lived in that system for many years. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: It had an impact in a sense that we always need to very carefully look at our every step and we need to understand the consequences of that. That’s number one. Number two. It is very important not only for the former Soviet Union but it applies also to Russia. What was the conclusion that I came to? It is that the Soviet Union at a certain point of time was in such a state that its leadership and possibly even ordinary citizens always believed that it was so big, so great that nothing, ever, under any circumstances would happen to it. And this idea of grandeur is the point when a country starts to make one mistake after another, thinking that everything is alright: yes, we made a mistake here and it was a small failure there but we are so big that it will all pass, we’ll survive. And the number of mistakes grows like a snowball and it is getting harder to manage that. I see the same is happening with some other countries today. Therefore, I am keeping an eye… |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: No. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: I would not want to pin-point the guilty and who is to blame more. In general, it was the system that turned out not to be viable. We need to recognise that and we need to think about it. We should not look for specific culprits but we need to think how to create a system that will not simply protect itself but develop. That’s the point. And if such system is in place, it would be self-sufficient, autonomous and effective. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Reintegration of what? Of the Soviet Union. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: No, of course not, that’s simply not on the table. We do not have such a goal and it won’t make any sense. There is also a question of rationale. It does not make sense in current circumstances because it would critically change the national and religious composition of the Russian Federation. It does not make sense. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: I won’t tell it to them. You know why? Because they still do not want to listen to what I am saying. They want to listen to themselves only or they want to comment on what I am saying the way they like it. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Yes, they do that in order to scare their population. They abuse their monopoly in the global media. It is called manipulation of the public opinion and the goal is to justify their aggressive policy towards Russia. I don’t see another goal. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: No, I think it is too early for me to summarise my life. I have some work ahead of me. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Well, you have already asked me to characterise other leaders of other countries. I do not think it is very polite. You know, now we are working with Prime Minister of India, His Excellency Narendra Modi. Indeed, we have very trustworthy and friendly relations. He is a very reliable person. In that sense, I am speaking very sincerely. India got lucky. He lives India. I am talking to him and I know him. I hope he won’t be cross with me – I am just saying what I am seeing and what I am thinking. It is very pleasant to me to talk to such person, a person of integrity, you know. And that’s number one. Number two, indeed, he is very sincere when it goes about strengthening Indian-Russian ties across the whole range of areas, especially crucial issues of economy and defence and humanitarian cooperation, development of hi-tech. It is very interesting to meet with him. He travelled here and we sat with him at my residence and we drank tea for the whole evening, and we discussed different topics. We simply had an interesting conversation purely like humans. So I am looking |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know like any other achievement of progress it can be both good and evil. It’s clear that it’s cross-cutting technology that changes the life of an ordinary person and, of course, in the near future it will change the lives of the whole humanity. And those who will be the first to master this technology, use it most effectively would gain a tremendous benefit in the economy, in social sphere, in defence as well as in every sphere, in education, in science, healthcare, everywhere because the effective use of artificial intelligence in each of the spheres will have a multiplier effect for efficiency and productivity. There are also challenges here and specialists know it fully well. The fact is that it is all based on processing major data sets, big data. Here comes personal data of people as well. That’s number one. And, naturally, we need to take steps to guarantee safety and protection, to ensure human rights in the widest sense of the word. But here is yet another very important thing. It is that the people who have these databases, in essence, they can use their capacities, the capacities of the developing technologies to shape the world view of people. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Everything has an end. Only God is eternal. We can extend longevity of life, one hundred percent, I am sure we can. Seventy seven years ago, average lifespan of a person in India was thirty one years and now it’s about seventy. That’s what healthcare does. In India, infant mortality was cut fourfold. We congratulate you. These are all the results of the healthcare effort and if you use AI in healthcare and you use it to produce medical drugs, for example using genetic engineering and so on, that means it would have a tremendous effect. Nevertheless, everything comes to an end. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You know, there is nothing new here. In literature and in art, this topic of contradiction of the older generation and the younger generation, of fathers and sons in our classic literature, these images have always existed, fathers and sons. There is nothing new here. You know what’s new? The technology: those messengers, Telegram and so on. They are used to influence the youth. The younger generation, this generation is more or less the same. Young people are always more mobile, more radical. The younger people, a young person thinks that they are coming across this injustice and so on and no one saw it before them. And now they saw that and they will tell it to everyone around, and they think that these injustices are very easy to deal with, they can be easily solved. And when a person becomes more mature, he or she is trying to change something, it turns out that they start to understand that it’s possible to find the solution but it’s not as easy as it seemed at first glance. Therefore, we need to work with people. We can’t just say that you are just young, you don’t understand anything, you are just sitting there in your homes; it does not work like that. You need to always keep in touch with young people and to use their tools, their devices of obtaining information, to use feedback, social networks and so on. You need to work there. And I am sure that you partly do that. I’d like to wish you every success. |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: You’ve just mentioned the Indian culture and the Russian culture. You know I think that we have a lot of citizens in the Russian Federation also having notion of Indian culture as about a fairy tale, a beautiful, bright, colourful fairy tale. From the time of the Soviet Union, people here like Indian movies and Indian music. I would even say that certain known people from Russian society have a cult of the Indian culture and I like that very much because I think that it is, as they say, from heart to heart. And we’ll be |
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Cached English source — passage alignment not verified Vladimir Putin: Thank you. Additional State visit to India December 5, 2025 Geography India Topics Media |